While existing scholarship is correct in stressing that policymakers pursue their interests on the global stage, the overall result is definitely not one of Pareto-optimizing rational design. We argue that global policies form protean patchworks of governance practices and competing universal value claims. Governance practices can be defined as socially meaningful patterns of action that are constitutive of the policymaking process, including its shifting playing field. Values, which capture the ideological dimension of policymaking, refer to the normative beliefs that inform the definition of global problems and the formulation of solutions. We use preliminary evidence to illustrate the value of our framework. We then offer methodological advice to assist in the empirical study and operationalization of governance practices and universal value debates. By identifying prevalent practices, our framework captures the dialectics of inclusion and exclusion, while also making sense of historical shifts in dominant modes of global governance. When it comes to value debates, our framework illuminates the persistence of social conflict as the normal and expected condition of global policymaking. Normative patchworks are generated by global governors out of multidimensional ideological cleavages.

Nowithstanding the powers of arbitral tribunals and emergency arbitrators to grant interim measures, it is generally recognized that there are compelling reasons to give parties access to national courts to grant interim relief even where the parties have subjected their disputes to arbitration. This Chapter analyses interim relief by state courts, including their powers, limitations, and types measures state courts will grant.

This chapter offers three case studies on recent disagreements in the bodies and committees of three SDOs, where procedural guarantees were at stake. These disagreements arose at three different “levels”: standards development, policy-making, and appeal procedures. The discussed disagreements were either resolved through the internal dispute resolution bodies of these SDOs, or escalated to litigation. In particular, this chapter attempts to reveal what can be learned from the experiences of stakeholders involved in these disagreements and concludes that, despite the different nature of these disputes, they arose from the (potential) exclusion of the relevant stakeholders from particular institutional processes.

Forensic DNA typing was developed to improve our ability to conclusively identify an individual and distinguish that person from all others. Current DNA profiling techniques yield incredibly rare types, but definitive identification of one and only one individual using a DNA profile remains impossible. This fact may surprise you, as there is a popular misconception that a DNA profile is unique to an individual, with the exception of identical twins. You may be the only person in the world with your DNA profile, but we cannot know this short of typing everyone. What we can do is calculate probabilities. The result of a DNA profile translates into the probability that a person selected at random will have that same profile. In most cases, this probability is astonishingly tiny. Unfortunately, this probability is easily misinterpreted, a situation we will see and discuss many times in the coming chapters.

In Chapters 6–8, we examine how state responses to squatting, and the lenses through which the competing claims of stakeholders are seen, articulated, prioritized, and evaluated, frame debates about homeless squatting in empty land in the context of complex, competing, multi-scalar normative goals. In doing so, we continue to recognize that squatting conflicts are embedded in political, economic, cultural, social, and legal jurisdictional contexts, and that, in these contexts, assumed identities and characteristics are assigned to competing actors, as legal and extra-legal norms are applied to tackle problems and adjudicate conflicts. In this chapter we focus, firstly, on the conceptual and pragmatic meanings – and the “scaled production” – of possession in common law and civil law traditions. We then examine how the act of squatting, and the status of squatters, has been rescaled in recent years. On one axis, we read adaptations in state responses to property events – for example, the criminalization of squatting – as reflecting the upscaling or elevation of the squatting “event.” The criminalization of squatting – or any other erstwhile non-criminal activity – signals that a previously low-stake event has accrued high-stakes impact for the state. It reveals new or emerging pressures on the state to take “other-regarding” action, mediating directly between competing (erstwhile private) claims (for example, owners, squatters, investors, neighbors). And the nature of the state’s response signals to the alignment of particular resilience claims with the state’s (or the government’s) own resilience needs. In focusing on the problem of homeless squatting on empty land through the prism of the homeless squatter, we adopt the framing techniques discussed in Chapter 5: placing the squatter at the center of the network of competing stakeholders and examining the “webby relations” that shape, mediate and separate representations of squatters in accounts of homeless squatting on empty land.

A considerable historiography now details the racism upon which immigration restrictions are formed. My first argument here is that disabled people were also refused entry first to the colonies in the British empire and then to Britain itself, exclusions which have often continued to be naturalised. Secondly, I argue that exclusions of disabled peoples should not just be added onto our understanding of restrictive legislation on racial grounds, but that disability and race intersected. Disability was used to justify racial exclusions, and differences of disability were often raced. Particular kinds of bodies were being constructed as ‘valuable’ to the nation. These bodies were to be white and North European, but they were also to be mentally and physically ‘fit’ and that ‘fitness’ was defined in rigid terms. The values attached to race, ability and gender were mutually constituted. Masculine bodies were to be independent, working bodies. Whether or not a deaf or disabled person could work, their body was read as dependent, incapable and as a liability. Feminine bodies were read in terms of their reproductive value. Disabled women, infantilised and desexualised were not always read as capable of reproduction. And when they were, this too had frightening potential.

Chapter 4 considers a perspective that encourages citizens to develop a preliminary culture of trust on top of something other than a shared commitment to liberal democracy. According to “liberal nationalists” like David Miller and Yael Tamir, citizens should develop a sense of “bounded solidarity” on the basis of their shared nationality. Although nationality can assume exclusivist, illiberal, and anti-democratic forms, liberal nationalists maintain that it can evolve in inclusive and liberal democratic directions. This chapter shows that liberal nationalism is an incomplete perspective. Although liberal nationalism can help overcome the problem of initiation, it cannot adequately ensure that nationality will shed itself of exclusivist racial or ethnic components. Moreover, liberal nationalism does not provide citizens with the resources and capacities necessary to deepen any preliminary sense of trust which might have emerged; liberal nationalism only helps citizens better tolerate their differences and disagreements. So, this chapter paves the way for the rest of the book’s discussion of role-based constitutional fellowship. The chapter also considers constitutional patriotism.

This chapter opens by stating the main research question, namely whether power sharing reduces civil conflict or not. After briefly illustrating successful and unsuccessful cases of power sharing, we introduce our approach, which builds on a stream of work in conflict research stressing how exclusion of ethnic groups increased the risk of civil conflict. If this relationship is correct, one would expect the reverse to be true as well. That inclusion of ethnic groups through both territorial and governmental power sharing brings peace is indeed our working hypothesis. Still, there are good reasons to expect that this relationship may be more complicated. There are four main challenges that need to be addressed. First, it is essential not to lose sight of how power sharing is channeled through practices rather than merely being expressions of formal institutions. Second, analysts need to consider full samples rather than focusing only on cases that experienced conflict. Third, rather than being exogenously imposed, power sharing is usually enacted with an eye to future outcomes and is therefore profoundly endogenous to conflict. Finally, it is insufficient to analyze territorial power sharing without considering how pacific outcomes may hinge on whether this type of power sharing is being combined with governmental power sharing at the center. In fact, a failure to come to grips with these difficulties go a long way toward explaining why some researchers find no conflict-reducing effect, and sometimes even a conflict-increasing impact.

In this chapter I outline the features of common neurodevelopmental disorders (NDD), the link between NDD and special educational needs and disability, and types of school attendance problems that occur for young people with NDD. I discuss common contributing factors to problems with school attendance for young people with NDD at the individual and school levels. Suggestions for promoting attendance and understanding attendance problems for young people with NDD are discussed throughout. Young people with NDD are at higher risk than their peers of having many of the risk factors for poor school attendance: low academic achievement, sensory difficulties, physical health problems, poor social or academic skills, co-occurring conditions, difficulty verbally communicating anxiety or frustration, being bullied, having difficulties with relationships, and low self-esteem. School absences in these young people may be due to a multitude of reasons, embedded in complex social conditions including family and school factors. Adaptations to the school environment and individually focussed cognitive and behavioural approaches adapted to the needs of young people with NDD are most likely to help in addressing problems with school attendance. Effective management, support and treatment of symptoms due to NDD is likely to improve the school attendance of these young people.

Persistent school absence has a negative effect on academic attainment and puts children and young people at risk of social isolation, dropping out of school, vulnerability to exploitation and exposure to criminality. Pupils are more likely to miss school frequently if they have poor mental health (particularly anxiety and depression), special educational needs and disability (SEND), a long-term health condition, or caring responsibilities, or if they suffer from bullying. Frequent absences can lead to a lack of confidence and anxiety upon returning to school. This chapter argues that schools in England can be hostile environments for children and young people with SEND. Persistent absence for pupils with both identified and unidentified SEND may result from pressure on schools and teachers to perform in academic league tables rather than provide environments for inclusion. The chapter suggests the importance of the cultural, social, physical and emotional factors that lead to absenteeism. These factors are illustrated by vignettes from research on school exclusions; school safety and social networks; school design; and collaboration and emotional wellbeing. What is required is a new focus on school factors related to absence that no longer views the pupil in deficit terms.

The range of terms that are associated with school attendance, and in particular school attendance problems, is surprisingly difficult to define and reach consensus upon. This chapter discusses socio-political considerations in relation to the terminology used to describe school attendance problems and indicate where absence from school is considered a problem. There is discussion drawing upon relevant literature about particular terminology, including the categorisation of attendance as authorised or unauthorised. The chapter introduces the relation between conceptions of school refusal and truancy to emotional and behavioural mental health difficulties. It acknowledges the overlap in the ways these key labels in the field are understood and the complex association of different aspects of mental health difficulties with school absence that might be due to distress, defiance or a mix of different individual factors. Given the influence of factors beyond the individual student, such as parent-approved school withdrawal or exclusion due to behavioural concerns, I argue that a whole-school approach should be taken to attendance that can also be considered alongside other inter-related work on behaviour, health and wellbeing, and school climate.

Since 2015 and in response to the so-called migration crisis, the European Union (EU) has adopted several budget amendments, and created new funds in the field of migration. The chapter analyses these changes in the EU funding landscape from a border drawing perspective. After showing that funds have been extensively used by EU institution as a response to the so-called migration crisis, the chapter attempts to answer the following research question: does the evolution of the EU funding landscape in response to the migration crisis illustrate a mainly inclusive or mainly exclusive border drawing dynamic? To do so, the chapter starts by describing the various areas and objectives of the EU migration policy that funding decisions could be intended to support, classifying them as areas with a mainly inclusive purpose and areas with a mainly exclusive purpose. Then, it gives an overview of the changes in the EU’s funding patterns since the outbreak of the migration crisis in 2015. Finally, it examines these changes from a border drawing perspective, reaching the conclusion that EU funding decisions taken after the migration crisis have responded to a mainly exclusive dynamic.

This chapter develops a theory of how local political exclusion drives ethnic riots in multiethnic countries during political transition. I discuss existing accounts of the onset of ethnic riots and their limitations in explaining why ethnic rioting rises and subsequently declines during political transitions in multiethnic countries. I argue that ethnic riots in democratizing countries are driven by local elites’ demands for inclusion in local politics. This deployment of ethnic riots as a form of political engagement is particularly prevalent in weakly institutionalized multiethnic settings, where institutions are less reliable and where available local networks tend to be ethnic-based. Once a group’s demands for inclusion have been met and violence has served its purpose, rioting will decline. I derive a set of observable implications and hypotheses I will examine in the subsequent empirical chapters.

In this chapter, I summarize my findings and discuss their implications and contributions to existing literatures. I discuss how the theory offered in this book travels to cases beyond Indonesia, such as Kenya and Kyrgyzstan. I identify remaining unanswered questions and outline possible trajectories of future research on political exclusion, institutional accommodation of excluded actors, and demobilization of participants in violence in countries in political transition.

Psychiatric disorders are much more prevalent in the population with substance use disorders than they are in the general population. The co-existence of mental health and substance use disorders is associated with high levels of mortality and morbidity, linked to exclusion from mainstream services and unmet need. This chapter explores current policy guidance for services in England, focusing on the key themes of ‘no wrong door’ and ‘everyone’s job’. The elements of service organisation and delivery are considered at all levels, including the importance of care planning, communication, engagement, crisis services and training and support for staff. Interventions for co-occurring disorders are reviewed, including psychoeducation, pharmacology and mutual aid approaches. The chapter ends on a note of optimism that greater understanding of comorbid conditions will bring a more rational and equitable approach to this complex issue.

This chapter discusses the specific relationships between Golkar’s entrenchment, the exclusion of local ethnic elites, and the mobilization of riots in two high-conflict Indonesian provinces, Central Sulawesi and Maluku. By comparing two pairs of districts – Ambon and Maluku Tenggara in Maluku province, and Banggai and Poso in Central Sulawesi province – I demonstrate the importance of local elites’ framing, mobilization, and organization of violence. Although the four districts are relatively similar in their religious and ethnic composition, level of economic development, and dependence on the state, Ambon and Poso experienced some of the most protracted and intense ethnocommunal violence in Indonesia’s recent history, while their two neighboring districts, Maluku Tenggara and Banggai, respectively, were relatively peaceful by comparison. Relying on interviews with bureaucrats, community leaders, and former combatants, I show that these diverging outcomes can be attributed to local elites’ initial political configuration at the onset of the democratic transition, and to their actions and responses to trigger events.