To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure email@example.com
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Chapter 10 continues the theme of royal inaugurations as a process, covering the events immediately following on from a ruler’s enthronement to his first few years on the throne. Having been awarded a royal title did not inure a king against challenges and rivals. It normally took about 3–4 years before a ruler’s grip on power was secure. Successful rulers were those who overcame challenges during these years, while those who failed might either be disposed or replaced, or struggle to assert their authority fully across the realm. Key to success was a new king’s ability to demonstrate that he abided by the normative framework of royal power. He ruled for the common good, not for private gain. Yet what did this mean in practice? How could he win over those opposed to his kingship, erstwhile competitors and disappointed nobles? What was the role of the his subjects during these first few years? How could they seek to shape the governance of the realm? What was the role of force, and how did it relate to the doing of justice? How could generosity be balanced with equity? How did rulers deal with acts of disruption and dispute?
Chapter 8 discusses how royal elections worked in practice. It discusses the preparations necessary for an election to take place, the choice of venue and location, the identity and social composition of the electors and the overlapping stages in which the act of choosing a ruler unfolded. It also shows how each stage served to highlight both abstract normative ideas of how a king should be chosen and the concrete practical necessities that shaped the process of election. It also draws attention to yet another inherent tension: the legitimacy of an election rested on its unanimity and the assumption that a candidate was chosen because he was most suitable to work for the common good. Campaigning, bargaining for votes, etc. were thus frowned upon and should not happen. In practice, unanimity and consent could be achieved only through advance negotiations, and candidates did, of course, canvass and campaign. Equally, electors were not free agents, but had to satisfy the demands and needs of their own followers. They had to secure grants and favours, but could not be seen to strive for them openly. How could these conflicting expectations be reconciled? How did they shape the practice of choosing a king?
In all but the rarest circumstances, the world's deadly conflicts are ended not through outright victory, but through a series of negotiations. Not all of these negotiations, however, yield a durable peace. To successfully mitigate conflict drivers, the parties in conflict must address a number of puzzles, such as whether and how to share and/or re-establish a state's monopoly of force, reallocate the ownership and management of natural resources, modify the state structure, or provide for a path toward external self-determination. Successfully resolving these puzzles requires the parties to navigate a number of conundrums and make choices and design mechanisms that are appropriate to the particular context of the conflict, and which are most likely to lead to a durable peace. Lawyering Peace aims to help future negotiators build better and more durable peace agreements through a rigorous examination of how other parties have resolved these puzzles and associated conundrums.
Adolescent development is strained by exposure to community violence, especially when shootings and killings happen in public spaces such as the street or popular locations where young people hangout. This chapter examines revenge violence from a situational-transactional framework by focusing on accounts of marginalized urban youth overly exposed to gun violence. Revenge-sparked events are linked to a prior negative interaction. The aftermath of the prior incident can proceed in somewhat predictable ways with participants assessing damage, stewing about the conflict, planning revenge, casting co-offenders, brewing on the issue until the right opportunity comes up, and initiating the revenge incident. Four main themes emerge to illustrate how scripts favorable to seeking revenge or anticipating revenge are internalized by young men living in unsafe urban neighborhoods. Insights about the transactional dynamic of retaliatory violence should be used in formulating holistic community-based solutions, individual-level outreach interventions, and practitioner efforts to reduce urban violence.
This chapter summarizes the overall structure of the book and reiterates how it deals with dignity in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution in the context of the Arab Uprisings. Overall, this concluding chapter looks at how the politics of dignity are used to uphold authoritarianism. This has been a blind spot in social and political theories whose authors and practitioners often speak from within a Western cultural framework that often does not understand the relevance of such politics in contexts like Egypt. The need to study karma is timely and the book brought some compelling conclusions for that end particularly regarding understanding dignity as a traumatic experience.
To matter in relationships is to feel valued and to add value. Strong bonds enable us to feel loved, appreciated, recognized, and affirmed. This is the first part of the equation. The second part is helping one another add value to the relationship and the world. In this chapter we focus on the bonds we have with people close to us: family, friends, and fellow workers. If you want to experience mattering in a relationship it is essential to express, and not just think, positive things about your loved ones. If you want to matter in the inner circle you don’t have to avoid conflict – you just have to know how to handle it. Healthy relationships are characterized by effective management of conflict, not by the avoidance of it, as it is all but inevitable. Many people stay away from conflict because they think that it is the end of the world. They close up, shut down, and avoid addressing the conflict, leaving neither party satisfied. But well-managed conflict can lead to intrapersonal and interpersonal growth and to a stronger relational bond.
Chapter 4 focuses on the League’s resolution of conflicts involving members during its first twelve years. The League’s operation during this time reveals the challenges facing the Empire and its territories after the 1555 adoption of new peace-keeping regulations known as the Imperial Enforcement Ordinance. By offering a venue for the mediation of disputes that imperial organs of government could not or would not settle, the League of Landsberg served as a vehicle for implementing the Enforcement Ordinance in its member regions. In the process, the League’s operation simultaneously bolstered the Enforcement Ordinance’s regime while sapping jurisdiction away from imperial governmental bodies. Ultimately, the League created interdependencies between the imperial core and the Empire’s regions that set the stage for later debates over what alliances could and should do within the Empire’s structure.
This concluding chapter revisits some of the key issue areas in peace settlements, which have been covered in the International Law and Peace Settlements volume, to demonstrate how past settlement practice has added to the repertoire of legal tools that can be deployed in conflict settlement, and to highlight the contours of the relationship between this settlement practice and international law. By reflecting on the ‘patterns’ of approaches and provisions that have emerged in settlement practice in addressing these key issues, the chapter lays some empirical foundations to interrogate the normative character of these emerging ‘patterns’ of legal tools in peace-making. The normativity to legal tools for peace-making is considered in the context of the diversity in settlement actors and in the legal character of settlements, with a view to identifying how settlement practice has affected international law, and whether it is possible, helpful or necessary to proclaim the existence of a lex pacificatoria.
National dialogues hold significant promise for conflict resolution because they enable diverse interests to engage in an inclusive negotiation process. However, peacemakers and conflict parties need to have realistic expectations. This chapter makes two arguments regarding the effectiveness of national dialogues. The first is that national dialogues are well-placed to strengthen and legitimise elite agreements that have already been struck, but not well-placed to develop elite-level commitment to dialogue when none has previously been built. The second argument is that, in order to make a positive contribution, national dialogues need to be able to adjust flexibly to changing political realities and to avoid rigid rules and structures. National dialogues which are able to adapt their negotiation formats are more likely to make reach decisions which are implemented by the parties.
Peace settlements are notoriously difficult to reach in religiously associated conflicts, particularly in intra-state armed conflicts where the religious identity and nature of the state is at stake. Despite that apparent intractability, however, some peace settlements have been crafted for contemporary intra-state armed conflicts where there have been religious incompatible claims and aspirations. This chapter explores the legal tools developed in such settlements and discusses their wider applicability as conflict resolution mechanisms. The analysis identifies seven specific conflict resolution mechanisms that have been utilised to address the religious dimensions of armed conflicts: constitutional secularism, religious freedom, religious power-sharing, religious autonomy, legalisation of religious political parties, inclusion of religious civil society actors and religious bonding. These seven mechanisms are analysed as part of two fundamentally different approaches to conflict resolution of religious dimensions: division vs integration; and reinforcement or decrease in the role of religion. The chapter demonstrates how religiously defined conflicts can also be transformed and brought to peaceful, negotiated endings.
This introductory chapter identifies the key questions and themes for the International Law and Peace Settlements volume, and provides a framework and conceptual map for analysing the relationship between international law and peace settlement practice. In particular, it examines the concepts of peace and war, and their relation to law, before developing a working lexicon for peace agreements and settlements. The chapter then critically examines the legal character of peace agreements and settlement commitments as ‘legal tools’ for peace-making. This analysis provides essential foundations to map out the ways in which peace settlements and international law can interact. Those forms of interaction become key focal points for the various contributions in the remainder of the volume. The thematic rationale and structure of the volume is explained to orientate the reader in light of its key themes and questions.
International Law and Peace Settlements provides a systematic and comprehensive assessment of the relationship between international law and peace settlement practice across core settlement issues, e.g. transitional justice, human rights, refugees, self-determination, power-sharing, and wealth-sharing. The contributions address key cross-cutting questions on the legal status of peace agreements, the potential for developing international law, and the role of key actors – such as non-state armed groups, third-state witnesses and guarantors, and the UN Security Council – in the legalisation and internationalisation of settlement commitments. In recent years, significant scholarly work has examined facets of the relationship between international law and peace settlements, through concepts such as jus post bellum and lex pacificatoria. International Law and Peace Settlements drives forward the debate on the legalisation and internationalisation of peace agreements with diverse contributions from leading academics and practitioners in international law and conflict resolution.
Both conflict resolution aid (CRA) and vertical situation display (VSD) systems may contribute to air traffic control (ATC) operations. However, their effectiveness still needs to be examined before being widely adopted in ATC facilities. This study aims to examine empirically the use of CRA and VSD as well as the systems’ interaction in ATC operations. It was found that CRA benefited conflict resolution performance by 13⋅7% and lowered workload by 46⋅4% compared with manually performing the task. The VSD could also reduce the air traffic controllers’ (ATCOs) workload and improve their situation awareness. Ultimately, when the first CRA failure occurred, the situation awareness supported by VSD offset the performance decrements by 30%. The findings from this study demonstrate that integrating VSD with CRA would benefit ATC operations, regardless of the CRA's imperfection.
Prior research has indicated that the people one loves the most, such as their romantic partners, ironically, are also the people toward whom they often direct destructive behaviors in times of conflict, and such destructive responses become one of the most challenging relationship problems. Identifying the conditions that promote destructive (vs. constructive) conflict-resolution strategies is a crucial gap requiring study to help individuals build healthier and happier relationships. Across three studies (total N = 728), we examined whether (a) power is related to direct destructive (vs. constructive) responses during romantic conflicts; (b) this effect was moderated by the seriousness of the conflict and the relationship’s inclusiveness. In Study 1, participants involved in romantic relationships completed scales assessing interpersonal power, the conflict’s seriousness, their relationship’s inclusiveness, and conflict-resolution responses. In Studies 2-3, the participants were randomly assigned to complete an essay in which the conflict’s seriousness and power were experimentally manipulated. Findings from hierarchical regression analyses consistently showed that power led to destructive (and lower constructive) responses. However, this only occurred when the participants faced severe conflicts and their partner was not central to their self-concept. An internal meta-analysis of the studies confirmed the reliability and significance of these relationships; |r’s| =.13-37. Together, these results support the proposition that power asymmetries can threaten relationships by driving destructive responses during romantic conflicts, and untangle the conditions under which this happens. The conflict’s seriousness and the inclusiveness of the relationship may be considered to provide skills that help individuals navigate their relationships’ life challenges.
The evidence of the interrelationships between adult attachment, conflict resolution style and relationship quality in couple relationships shows some inconsistencies and it is mostly based on English-speaking adult samples, as well as on individuals’ rather than on both couple members’ reports. Therefore, the aim was to examine the associations between adult attachment, conflict resolution style and relationship quality from a dyadic approach. A sample of 405 heterosexual young couples completed online the brief version of the Experiences in Close Relationships-Revised Questionnaire, the respondent version of the Conflict Resolution Styles Inventory, and a 4-item measure of relationship quality. Avoidance attachment showed a stronger negative correlation than anxiety with relationship quality. Withdrawal and conflict engagement styles were more highly correlated with avoidance and anxiety, respectively. At a dyadic level, relationship quality was negatively predicted by actor avoidance attachment and positively predicted by partner relationship quality. No actor or partner effects of conflict resolution style on relationship quality were observed. Overall, partners with higher attachment anxiety and avoidance reported more dysfunctional conflict resolution styles and less satisfaction with the relationship.
The current scholarly literature on the international mediation of civil wars draws predominantly on a rationalist-materialist perspective. This perspective suggests that the ticket to mediation success is the material manipulation of the bargaining environment by third parties with a high degree of economic and military resources. I argue that legitimacy also determines outcomes of mediation because if a mediator has legitimacy, it can continue to look for a mutually satisfactory outcome and try to pull the conflict parties toward compliance. I show that legitimacy matters by systematically comparing the effectiveness of African and non-African third parties. African third parties are typically considered ineffective because of a low degree of economic and military capacity. However, they effectively mediate civil wars in Africa because of a high degree of legitimacy, which is a result of a strong conviction within the African society of states that African mediation is the most desirable type in conflicts there. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program supplemented with unique data, which together cover all mediation efforts in Africa between 1960 and 2017, I find quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African ones, African third parties are far more likely to conclude negotiated settlements that are more likely to be durable. African third parties are especially effective if the conflict parties are highly committed to the African solutions norm. Theoretically, this study deviates from much of the literature that puts forward solely rationalist-materialist explanations of mediation success. By bringing legitimacy to the forefront, this article supplements the current mediation literature that emphasizes material sources of power and ignores social structures.
Terrorists attack civilian targets but there is variation in how many civilians they kill. Terrorists may deliberately harm civilians, or they may adopt a less bloody approach, demolishing businesses, transit systems, and other civilian property while employing tactics to avert civilian casualties. One such tactic is to warn civilians before an attack, allowing them to flee the area. With warnings as an example, this study considers why terrorists might adopt casualty-aversion tactics. An analysis of 12,235 bombings by 131 terrorist groups in the years 1970 to 2016 finds that warnings are most common when terrorists fight democracies and when they lack territorial strongholds. Ideological factors such as religion are not significant predictors of warnings. These findings suggest a need to revisit the claim that religion incentivizes indiscriminate terrorism. They also suggest a strategic logic behind casualty-aversion tactics. Terrorists fighting democracies may spare civilians to appear legitimate in citizens’ eyes. Terrorists without strongholds may spare civilians because they rely on the state's population for support. At first glance, my findings appear to contradict civil war literature arguing that militants with strongholds use violence more discriminately. However, terrorism occurs in areas of state control. Militants with strongholds can use indiscriminate terrorism against state-governed civilians without alienating their own supporters elsewhere.
Chapter 6 shows how actors turn to more fluid forms of ordering to adapt to movements and new issues in the security arena. Fluid ordering can compensate for minimal resources but can also reduce possible gains in the security arena. Non-state actors often attempt to mediate security issues as an alternative to absent state enforcement but often lack the influence to resolve conflict. State and international actors themselves recurrently choose to engage the arena through flexible conflict resolution. Fluid ordering that turns violent is particularly hard to grasp as perpetrators deliberately keep their actions and organization obscure. Ordering towards the fluid end of the spectrum can improve security by allowing for more modifiability but it also allows insecurity to arise as violence remains unchecked.
This article assesses the characteristics of the parastate; a territorial entity that operates outside the formal structures of international law and sovereign recognition. The primary obstacle for parastates transforming declarative statehood into constitutive sovereignty is the nature of their creation, which is seen as a violation of another state’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Parastates are thus prevented from becoming equal members of the international community with access to and decision-making in international organizations and governing bodies. Left outside these groups, parastates remain disputed territories dependent on patron state sponsorship and blocked from improving their status by international actors that deny sovereign recognition. Despite these limitations, parastates have a noted record of endurance that can last decades as long as the international status quo prevents the host state from regaining control of the contested territory. This article concludes that while options for ending frozen conflicts of parastates are not impossible, they are extremely costly and highly risky. Without decisive diplomatic and military leverage favoring the host state, parastates will continue to endure for the foreseeable future.
Borders and boundaries can represent old narratives, which often, however, cannot deal with new realities. Borders are inflexible, but reality is flexible and fluid. This is augmented in crisis situations. Multi-ethnicity and history run in parallel, as shared cultures often precede and transcend Westphalia and institutionally imposed borders. For cultures with roots in antiquity, top-down established borders appear to lack legitimacy, as these cultures place more emphasis on historical similarities and traditions of peoples. Thus, what is more important: cultural and historical commonalities or institutional top-down constructions? This article examines the impact of the prioritization of top-down ethno-religious homogeneity over lasting conflict resolution. Through an interdisciplinary approach, the article draws a number of hypotheses from the fields of conflict resolution, territoriality, and nation building and tests these hypotheses on the specific case of the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchange (CPE) between Greece and Turkey and the dual role of the Mediterranean as a security bridge or barrier. This article highlights a “how-not-to” scenario in conflict resolution and argues that efforts to form apparent homogeneous nation-states led to short-term, incomplete conflict termination with a lasting impact, while conflict resolution remained elusive.