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This chapter traces Dr Thomas Hodgkin’s engagement with British anti-slavery, the American Colonization Society, Liberia and the African American Emigration movement. Hodgkin was the leading advocate in Britain for the colony of Liberia, and became its British consul after independence in 1848. Hodgkin conceived of solutions to slavery within an unusually transnational framework. However, his championing of gradual emancipation for British slaves and plans to civilize West Africa by repatriating emancipated slaves from the New World, led him into unsavoury alliances and conflict with leading British and US abolitionists. Hodgkin’s correspondence with humanitarian opponents, doyens of British abolition, leading Liberians, African American Emigrationists, and the American Colonization Society, reveals deep divisions within anti-slavery which had ramifications for the campaigns for indigenous protection and civilization.
This chapter examines the detention of African chiefs who stood in the way of British expansion in the Niger Delta in the era of the Berlin Conference. At a time when the legal conception of protectorates was being rethought, Britain began to claim more extensive jurisdiction over chiefs with whom it had signed treaties. This chapter concerns the cases of three rulers – Jaja of Opobo, Nana Olomu and Ovonramwen of Benin – each of whom had signed the standard form treaty of protection first taken to the region in 1884. Jaja had struck out a clause permitting free trade, and, when he continued to insist on controlling his rivers, he was removed to Accra. After an inquiry into his conduct, he was removed under an ordinance. In the following decade, after the creation of the Niger Coast Protectorate, Nana, who had also blocked trade after reserving his rights, was tried by a career soldier in a consular court, before also being exiled by ordinance. Ovonramwen’s deposition and removal (after an ambush of a British party on its way to Benin City) was made without trial or authorising ordinance, but by a simple assertion of power which was not legally validated until 1911.
This chapter examines the beginnings of the use of ad hominem detention laws in West Africa, in an era during which Britain sought to expand its influence over areas in which the nature of its jurisdiction was often uncertain or contested. In the 1860s and 1870s, a number of African leaders were detained without any lawful authority, at the behest of local officials. In 1881, the Colonial Office began to insist that legal mandates for such detentions were necessary, in the form of ordinances. A raft of such ordinances followed. They were used for a number of purposes: in Sierra Leone, they were used to deal with African leaders who attacked areas under British protection, or engaged in local wars. In the Gold Coast, they were used for political purposes, notably to deal with agitators who threatened to unsettle British policy towards Asante. Detention by means of ordinance was used not only where the nature of British jurisdiction was in doubt, but also where there were doubts over whether convictions could be secured of those over whom there was jurisdiction. With little political pressure in the metropolis to counter such policy, detention by ordinance became routine.
In 1862, al-Ḥājj ʿUmar Fūtī Tall (d. 1864) conquered a prominent Muslim polity of the Middle Niger valley, the Caliphate of Ḥamdallāhi. Several months earlier, he had penned a long polemical work, Bayān mā waqaʿa, where he outlined his conflict with Ḥamdallāhi's ruler, Aḥmad III (d. 1862), and presented a legal justification for his eventual conquest. Al-Ḥājj ʿUmar was one of several West African Muslim intellectuals who articulated a new vision of power in the region. These intellectuals linked legitimate political rule with mastery over Islamic knowledge that they claimed only they had. Yet these linkages between religious authority and political power remain understudied. Al-Ḥājj ʿUmar's Bayān offers one example of political theology in nineteenth-century West Africa. In this article, I trace his arguments and explain how he constructs his authority and claims to sovereignty in this work. In the process, I conceptualize two theoretical frameworks — the ‘political geography of belief’ and the ‘political theology of knowledge’ — to demonstrate how a careful engagement with Arabic sources can help develop new approaches to the study of Muslim communities in African history and beyond.
The specific context of urban migration in West Africa provides a fertile field from which to pluralise currents concepts of sense of place. If research on sense of place is to address the global phenomena of mobility and migration, then this requires an immediate implementation of calls to consider roots and routes and fixity and flow in the production of senses of place. This chapter presents two key findings in relation to West African migrants’ sense of place, both in relation to their place of residence and their place of origin. This first is that new migrants with weak people–place bonds have a heightened quality of life in comparison to locals. This runs counter to assumptions that strong place attachment is beneficial for well-being. The second is that migrants invest considerable efforts into maintaining sense of place in locations where they no longer reside.
An inheritance dispute heard before one of the chiefs’ courts established in Asante under indirect rule illustrates the multivalent, dynamic character of social institutions at a time of economic and political transition. Litigated in 1951, the dispute raised questions about the meaning of ‘family’ and ‘belonging’, and their significance for people's access to wealth and their obligations to one another. Played out against a backdrop of potentially far-reaching social and political change in Ghana and beyond, cases such as this one suggest that terms such as ‘belonging’ and ‘family’ are best understood as labels for complex social processes, rather than facts that determine people's social identities and entitlements.
This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.
The British surprisingly faced no military resistance when they captured Asante in 1896. Previous works have focused on the agency of actors like Prempe and Frederick Hodgson to explain why. This paper, in contrast, approaches this epoch in Asante history from the context of the sociopolitical power structure within which the precolonial Asante state operated. It asserts that Asante's independence was contingent on having a strong military. But since it had no standing army, the state used Asante's ‘social contract’ to coerce its subjects into ad hoc armies to meet military threats. Starting from the 1874 Sagrenti War, however, the state disregarded the social contract. This unleashed a series of events that undermined the state's power to coerce Asantes into military service. The article posits further that this erosion of the state's coercive power ultimately prevented it from countering the British with armed resistance in 1896 to maintain independence.
This chapter examines maps of the region from precolonial times, especially the eighteenth century, up to the colonial period. It traces the visual representation of the region as a distinct unit, with specific contours and names. It also looks at the frontiers of the region westward and eastward and examines how geopolitics imposed certain cuts excluding Libya, an Italian colony, and Egypt, a British colony that became important after Napoleon, in the construction of an Arab Middle East. The chapter looks at popular forms of knowledge, especially the atlas, to examine how the conception and the name of the Maghreb were made available for a larger audience in order to shape the geographic imaginary of the modern citizen in Europe as well as in the colonies
This chapter looks at how archeology participated in the invention of the Maghreb. If maps provided the form of the region, archeology provides the content of this form. Colonial archeologists stressed the Roman past, with its monuments and artifacts, from which they created an entire narrative tradition that connects the region with a particular past in the same way France was connected to Rome. Archeology provides the means by which the region was invented as a Roman and thus a Western area unseparated from Europe in the past, and attached to it in the present.
This chapter looks at both language and racial thinking and the ways one affected the other. Race was an important category of colonial modernity used to conceive of other people in relation to Europe and in relation to themselves. Introducing racial thinking was thus a significant way to reconfigure the population not only of Morocco or even of the entire region of northern Africa, but also the populations surrounding them, in what became known as Black Africa on the west side and the Arab Middle East on the east side. Because of the fluidity of colonial conceptions of race, language became an important marker of race in the region. Hence, the constructed opposition of Berbers versus Arabs was also perceived as a linguistic relation that was imposed as antagonistic and hegemonic.
Religious pluralism, as encountered in multi-faith settings such as Nigeria's biggest city Lagos, challenges much of what we have long taken for granted about religion, including the ready-made binaries of Christianity versus Islam, religion versus secularism, religious monism versus polytheism, and tradition versus modernity. In this book, Marloes Janson offers a rich ethnography of religions, religious pluralism and practice in Lagos, analysing how so-called 'religious shoppers' cross religious boundaries, and the coexistence of different religious traditions where practitioners engage with these simultaneously. Prompted to develop a broader conception of religion that shifts from a narrow analysis of religious traditions as mutually exclusive, Janson instead offers a perspective that focuses on the complex dynamics of their actual entanglements. Including real-life examples to illustrate religion in Lagos through religious practice and lived experiences, this study takes account of the ambivalence, inconsistency and unpredictability of lived religion, proposing assemblage as an analytical frame for exploring the conceptual and methodological possibilities that may open as a result.
Law enforcement in protected areas is critical for ensuring long-term conservation and achieving conservation objectives. In 2004, patrol-based monitoring of law enforcement was implemented in protected areas in Ghana. Here, we evaluate long-term trends and changes in patrol staff performance, and illegal activities, in the Kogyae Strict Nature Reserve. The assessment was based on ranger patrol-based monitoring data collected during January 2006–August 2017. Along the patrol routes, patrol officers recorded all encounters with illegal activities associated with hunting and capturing or harming of animals. Across all years, staff performance was lowest in 2006 as staff learned the system but increased in 2007 and peaked in 2010, the latter as a result of motivation of the patrol staff. After 2011, staff performance decreased, mainly because of the retirement of some patrol staff and insufficient logistical support for successful patrolling. Snares were the most commonly recorded indicators of illegal activity. Because their use is silent, poachers using snares are less likely to be detected than poachers using other forms of hunting. Long-term assessment of patrol-based monitoring data provides reliable information on illegal activities related to wildlife, to enable stakeholders to design effective measures for biodiversity conservation. Our assessment indicates that patrol staff performance in Kogyae is, at least partly, dependent on governmental or external support and incentives, in particular the provision of equipment and transport facilities.
Under French colonial rule, the region of the Maghreb emerged as distinct from two other geographical entities that, too, are colonial inventions: the Middle East and Africa. In this book, Abdelmajid Hannoum demonstrates how the invention of the Maghreb started long before the conquest of Algiers and lasted until the time of independence, and beyond, to our present. Through an interdisciplinary study of French colonial modernity, Hannoum examines how colonialism made extensive use of translations of Greek, Roman, and Arabic texts and harnessed high technologies of power to reconfigure the region and invent it. In the process, he analyzes a variety of forms of colonial knowledge including historiography, anthropology, cartography, literary work, archaeology, linguistics, and racial theories. He shows how local engagement with colonial politics and its modes of knowledge were instrumental in the modern making of the region, including in its postcolonial era, as a single unit divorced from Africa and from the Middle East.
Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) is a widespread livelihood in low- and middle-income countries; however, many in ASM communities face high levels of poverty and malnutrition. The food environments in ASM communities have non-agricultural rural characteristics that differ from those in urban and agricultural rural areas examined in much existing food environment literature.
We examine these complex external and personal food environments in ASM communities via a study using qualitative and quantitative methods. Market surveys and a cross-sectional household survey, plus qualitative mining site non-participant observations and in-depth structured interviews, were conducted in three waves.
Eighteen study sites in ASM communities in northern Guinea.
Surveys covered mothers in mining households with young children (n 613); in-depth interviews engaged caregivers of young children (n 45), food vendors (n 40) and young single miners (n 15); observations focused on mothers of young children (n 25).
The external food environment in these ASM communities combines widespread availability of commercially processed and staple-heavy foods with lower availability and higher prices for more nutritious, non-staple foods. Within the personal food environment, miners are constrained in their food choices by considerable variability in daily cash income and limited time for acquisition and preparation.
We demonstrate that ASM communities have characteristics of both urban and rural populations and argue for greater nuance and appreciation of complexity in food environment research and resultant policy and programming.
The present study aimed to determine the 3-month incidence of relapse and associated factors among children who recovered under the Optimising treatment for acute MAlnutrition (OptiMA) strategy, a MUAC-based protocol. A prospective cohort of children successfully treated for acute malnutrition was monitored between April 2017 and February 2018. Children were seen at home by community health workers (CHWs) every 2 weeks for 3 months. Relapse was defined as a child who had met OptiMA recovery criteria (MUAC ≥ 125 mm for two consecutive weeks) but subsequently had a MUAC < 125 mm at any home visit. Cumulative incidence and incidence rates per 100 child-months were estimated. Multivariable survival analysis was conducted using a shared frailty model with a random effect on health facilities to identify associated factors. Of the 640 children included, the overall 3-month cumulative incidence of relapse was 6⋅8 % (95 % CI 5⋅2, 8⋅8). Globally, the incidence rate of relapse was 2⋅5 (95 % CI 1⋅9, 3⋅3) per 100 child-months and 3⋅7 (95 % CI 1⋅9, 6⋅8) per 100 child-months among children admitted with a MUAC < 115 mm. Most (88⋅6 %) relapses were detected early when MUAC was between 120 and 124 mm. Relapse was positively associated with hospitalisation, with an adjusted hazard ratio (aHR) of 2⋅06 (95 % CI 1⋅01, 4⋅26) for children who had an inpatient stay at any point during treatment compared with children who did not. The incidence of relapse following recovery under OptiMA was relatively low in this context, but the lack of a standard relapse definition does not allow for comparison across settings Closer follow-up with caretakers whose children are admitted with MUAC < 115 mm or required hospitalisation during treatment should be considered in managing groups at high risk of relapse. Training caretakers to screen their children for relapse at home using MUAC could be more effective at detecting early relapse, and less costly, than home visits by CHWs.
Mali's first nonstate radio went on air during the authoritarian rule of Moussa Traoré in 1988, challenging the common narrative that ties political and media liberalization together. Negotiations were conducted by Italian NGOs at a time when such organizations had become key political actors in Sahelian countries. The implementation of Radio Rurale de Kayes was part of a wider infrastructural project that notably included a road. This historical account follows the metaphorical and literal association between the radio and the road in order to reflect on mobility and its constraints. Tracing the radio's trajectory from space-making to community-building, it shows how the station managed to sustain itself thanks to its position within an emerging network of associations led by return migrants and because of how it fitted into local infrastructures of mobility, thus calling for a stronger attention to the relation between radio, the audiences it convenes, and space.