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Vietnam’s experience in the tenth and eleventh centuries was remarkably similar to that of Korea and Japan. The adoption of Confucian traditions as preferred modes of governance, in particular, reflected strong state bureaucratic practices that made Vietnam stand out from its neighbors in continental Southeast Asia. By 973 the Vietnamese state had been recognized as a Song tributary, and within a century, the Vietnamese state had created centralized provinces, founded a Royal Confucian Academy, used Chinese in all its writings, implemented a national tax, and created a national military based on universal conscription. By 1075, the Vietnamese court had instituted civil service examinations based on Chinese Confucian classics. The civil service examination would be used for the next nine hundred years, and it was only the arrival of French imperialists that transformed the government. Confucianism penetrated to the level of economic and family organization at the village level, affecting patrilineal inheritance and even dress. Vietnamese retained their indigenous language for unofficial uses, and indigenous social and religious customs, chief among them Buddhism.
Payments for environmental services have been popularly used in environmental management and an increasing number of studies assesses their contribution to local livelihoods. This study employs propensity score matching with a dataset of 404 indigenous households in the Central Highlands of Vietnam to evaluate the effect of payments for forest environmental services (PFES) on their livelihoods. Participating in PFES increased households' employment and income from activities related to natural forests. Income from PFES allowed households to enhance productive investment and promote income from cultivation activities. All of this, in turn, increased their annual income, job satisfaction, living expenditures, and reduced the amount of any loan. Additionally, PFES enhanced opportunities to participate in training courses and traditional community activities. This confirms that PFES is not only a good initiative for forest management but also a livelihood policy for communities.
Arsenic, lead and mercury are common environmental contaminants in low- and middle-income countries. We investigated the association between child toxicant exposure and growth and development and determined if this association was mitigated by selenium concentration.
Toxicant concentrations in fingernail samples, anthropometry, and Bayley’s Scales of Infant Development, 3rd edition (BSID) domains were assessed in 36-month-old children whose mothers had been part of a randomised controlled trial in rural Vietnam. Multivariable regression analyses were performed to estimate the effect of toxicant exposure on clinical outcomes with adjustments for potential confounders and interaction with fingernail selenium concentration.
We analysed 658 children who had data for at least one physical or developmental outcome, and at least one toxicant measurement, and each of the covariates. Fingernail arsenic concentration was negatively associated with language (estimate per 10% increase in arsenic: −0.19, 95% CI: [−0.32, −0.05]). Lead was negatively associated with cognition (estimate per 10% increase in lead: −0.08 [−0.15, −0.02]), language (estimate per 10% increase in lead: −0.18 [−0.28, −0.10]), and motor skills (estimate per 10% increase in lead: −0.12 [−0.24, 0.00]). Mercury was negatively associated with cognition (estimate per 10% increase in mercury: −0.48, [−0.72, −0.23]) and language (estimate per 10% increase in mercury −0.51, [−0.88, −0.13]) when selenium concentration was set at zero in the model. As selenium concentration increased, the negative associations between mercury and both cognition and language scores were attenuated. There was no association between toxicant concentration and growth.
Arsenic, lead and mercury concentrations in fingernails of 3-year-old children were associated with lower child development scores. The negative association between mercury and neurological development was reduced in magnitude with increasing selenium concentration. Selenium status should be considered when assessing heavy metal toxicants in children and their impact on neurodevelopmental outcomes.
Chapter 7 widens the lens of analysis to consider anti-corruption efforts in a diverse set of authoritarian regimes: Cuba, Malaysia, Rwanda, Singapore, and Vietnam. These short case studies are analytically useful as “plausibility probes” to assess the applicability of my theory beyond just the main East Asian cases. They also serve as test cases for alternative explanations, such as that quasi-democratic institutions or collective leadership will help authoritarian regimes to curb corruption. Most, though not all, of the anti-corruption efforts in these authoritarian regimes match my theoretical expectations based on whether autocrats had motivation, discretionary power, and state capacity. I also find further evidence against alternative hypotheses. This chapter is primarily based on secondary-source research.
The rich body of literature on the cultural legacies of East Germany has privileged white German perspectives on material culture at the expense of non-white and non-European encounters with socialist things. In shifting the spatial lens to the global South, and to the foreign students and workers who lived for extended periods in East Germany, I trouble the implicit whiteness in the study of GDR cultural memory. Popular identification with GDR goods extended beyond the borders of Germany to newly decolonized countries that were the beneficiaries of the GDR’s solidarity policies. Using the example of Vietnam, I challenge formulations of Ostalgie as a site of white German memory production only, highlighting consumption of East German products by racialized foreign Others. In examining the objects that Vietnamese migrants amassed and transported back to Vietnam, and their subsequent use and circulation through today, I offer a different take on the temporal and spatial relationship between people and commodities, one that assigns value and agency to imported socialist things. In contrast to reunified Germany, where socialist-era goods were deemed disposable and obsolete, in Vietnam, East German products did not lose their utility and associations with modernity. The essay argues for a more inclusive exploration of memory and approach to Ostalgie that takes seriously the alternative logics of time, space, and materiality that informed the circuits of consumption, trade, and meaning of GDR things.
Divided Germany became one of the focal points for international disputes over sovereignty in the late 1960s and early seventies. In a period that is commonly associated with West German Ostpolitik and the diplomatic recognition of German division, the international community disputed how the sovereignty of “divided nations” should be framed under international law. The German-German battle over the terms of détente unfolded within these politics of sovereignty surrounding conflicts over “national divisions” along Cold War front lines as well as the simultaneous confrontations over postcolonial sovereignty. At the United Nations, the issues of German and Chinese division converged at the height of decolonization when East German concepts of sovereignty and self-determination challenged the UN foundational principle of “one nation, one seat” rooted in ethnic nationality. Eventually, the United Nations accepted a German exceptionalism in admitting both German states as members in 1973 based on historical rather than legal explanations for divided German sovereignty, while conflicts around “divided countries” in Asia remained unresolved. In turn, these clashes over international law transformed older German legal traditions of sovereignty and self-determination and opened up Staatsrecht frameworks to legal concepts originating from decolonization.
Vietnam, a Southeast Asian country, has documented 1,515 polymerase chain reaction-positive confirmed coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases with 35 deaths a year after the first infection recorded in Ha Noi on January 23, 2020. Half of the infected patients are at the age of 21 to 40 y. While numbers of infections in many countries in the region continue to surge, Vietnam is seeing decreases in the number of daily new cases. As a result of COVID-19 trajectory different from the other countries, as of April 23, 2020, Vietnam is no longer under lockdown and is slowly restarting its socioeconomic activities. This report aims to provide a summary of the COVID-19 situation and response to the pandemic in Vietnam.
In 1856–7 the French diplomat Charles de Montigny visited the three countries of Siam, Cambodia and Vietnam, hoping to establish some form of formal relations with all three. While he was able to sign a full diplomatic and commercial treaty in Bangkok, his negotiations with the Cambodian and Vietnamese rulers were largely fruitless. Even so, Montigny's visit prepared the ground for future French intervention and can be considered as the beginning of French implantation in Southeast Asia. Yet this article argues that his mission must be understood not as an episode of “gunboat diplomacy” resulting in “unequal treaties”, but rather as an example of largely non-coercive diplomacy occurring within an imperial framework.
The 1960s and 1970s are often remembered as the age of the Third World guerrilla. But by the mid-1970s, the seemingly unstoppable force of secular Third World liberation, embodied by the Tricontinental Conference, had lost momentum. A new generation of liberation fighters mobilizing sectarian and ethnic identities in local struggles gradually overtook secular left-wing revolutionaries.
Nowhere were these changes more pronounced than the Middle East. During the heyday of the Third World guerrilla, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) captured attention by casting itself as an Arab Viet Cong. Despite spectacular operations against Israel and its Western supporters, the PLO could not achieve lasting gains. By the mid-1970s, Palestinian fighters were pulled into the bloody Lebanese Civil War, which devolved into a conflict between rival sectarian groups. Soon after, the 1979 Revolution in Iran demonstrated that theocratic radicalism had become a significant player on the world stage. By the late 1980s, secular liberation fighters such as the PLO were replaced by the likes of Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Mujahideen as the vanguard of revolutionary forces in the Middle East.
The Cold War and process of decolonization divided the world, with Vietnam emerging after 1954 as a center of global competition. Leaders of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) in Hanoi believed that success in their revolution could tip the worldwide balance of power in favor of the socialist bloc and national liberation movements. This conviction, combined with the need to conduct diplomacy from a position of military weakness, made those leaders accomplished practitioners of international politics as they balanced commitments to Marxism-Leninism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Americanism.
This chapter addresses how Hanoi navigated its membership and commitment to overlapping international movements at the height of the Cold War. It demonstrates that despite confronting the United States in Indochina, DRV leaders never thought strictly in terms of their own interests. Over the years they iterated and acted upon commitments to socialist internationalism, “world revolution,” and “Third Worldism” (tiermondisme). The Cold War and Sino-Soviet dispute created challenges for Hanoi, but the contemporaneous process of decolonization in the Third World also created opportunities.
Reducing vulnerability to environmental change must be a key component of any strategy for sustainable development. We consider the situation of the nations of the Lower Mekong, namely Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Vietnam, focusing on the threat of climate change. We distinguish between physical vulnerability, characterized in terms of spatial exposure to hazardous events, and social vulnerability, which is a function of the social conditions and historical circumstances that put people at risk. As vulnerability is a dynamic condition, we frame the assessment in terms of the processes and trends that are shaping current patterns of vulnerability and resilience. The nations of the Lower Mekong face a range of potential trends in climate, with changes in the incidence of flooding, variability in water availability, the occurrence of drought and heat stress, the frequency and/or intensity of tropical cyclones, and, in coastal areas, sea-level rise posing the major risks. A baseline assessment of the social, economic, and political trends that are influencing present-day levels of social vulnerability highlights the fact that poverty is the largest barrier to developing the capacity to cope and adapt effectively with change. The situation of the poorest members of society is being adversely affected by trends in inequality, disparities in property rights, dismantling of agricultural cooperatives, unions, and various forms of financial support and changes in social structure and institutions. We identify an important tension that can exist between efforts aimed at improving the general economic situation and what is needed to improve resilience to climate stress, particularly among the rural poor. As far as adaptation is concerned, there are lessons for other regions in the traditional approaches developed within the Lower Mekong, as these nations have a rich history of managing their dynamic natural environment.
The aim of this study was to determine why bystanders did not use formal Emergency Medical Services (EMS) or conduct cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) on the scene for out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA) patients in Hanoi, Vietnam.
This was a prospective, observational study of OHCA patients admitted to five tertiary hospitals in the Hanoi area from June 2018 through January 2019. The data were collected through interviews (using a structured questionnaire) with bystanders.
Of the 101 patients, 79% were aged <65 years, 71% were men, 79% were witnessed to collapse, 36% were transported to the hospital by formal EMS, and 16% received bystander CPR at the scene. The most frequently indicated reason for not using EMS by the attendants was “using a private vehicle or taxi is faster” (85%). The reasons bystanders did not conduct CPR at the scene included “not recognizing the ailment as cardiac arrest” (60%), “not knowing how to perform CPR” (33%), and “being afraid of doing harm to patients” (7%). Only seven percent of the bystanders had been trained in CPR.
The information revealed in this study provides useful information to indicate what to do to increase EMS use and CPR provision. Spreading awareness and training among community members regarding EMS roles, recognition of cardiac arrest, CPR skills, and dispatcher training to assist bystanders are crucial to improve the outcomes of OHCA patients in Vietnam.
Conventional measures such as PISA judge the Vietnamese school system to have high levels of pupil performance and attainment. This chapter explores the interesting features that might account for the success rate in tests. The research explores the perspectives of parents, local business owners and teacher trainers. Key areas to emerge were policy, accountability, teaching, leadership and school community partnership.
When hospitals are damaged or destroyed in armed conflict, the loss is far greater than the physical structures: safe spaces are lost, health outcomes worsen and trust in health institutions is undermined. Despite the legal protections afforded to medical units under international humanitarian law (IHL), attacks on hospitals are a recurring problem in armed conflict. In 2019, the Safeguarding Health in Conflict Coalition documented more than 1,203 incidents of violence against medical facilities, transports, personnel and patients in twenty countries. This article examines investigations of four post-Second World War incidents of attacks on hospitals in armed conflicts in Vietnam, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Palestine and Afghanistan, the role public advocacy campaigns played in bringing about these investigations, and how national and international authorities can work together to promote greater accountability for violations of IHL.
In the early afternoon of 25 April 1975, the Australian Embassy to the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) shut its doors for the last time. One Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) C-130 Hercules had departed Tan Son Nhut air base earlier that morning, carrying a mixture of Vietnamese nuns, refugees and United Nations personnel to RAAF Fairbairn in Canberra. Two more left in the late afternoon, carrying the embassy’s Australian staff, their equipment and a handful of other Australians and Vietnamese to the safety of Bangkok. The embassy’s Vietnamese staff were, over the objections of Ambassador Geoffrey Price, not evacuated. Eschewing dramatics, Price sent his final cable to Canberra at 1 pm local time: ‘So I suppose all I need say now is thank you for all your support and close up the shop. Goodbye from Saigon.’ Thus ended – among other things – Australia’s defence engagement with the RVN.
Australia seems to be moving into a period of greater uncertainty and instability. The future now seems less clear than it once was; the events of the catastrophic bushfires in 2019–20 and the return of a global pandemic, in the form of COVID-19, in 2020 serve to remind us that the world in which we live remains subject to challenge and change. For the Asia-Pacific region, this is especially so, given the geopolitical, technological and economic restructuring that is currently underway. As former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright noted in 2020, understanding the ‘interconnectedness’ between politics, economics and technology is critical in anticipating change and disruption in the twenty-first century. That said, these challenges are not without historical precedents. History shows that Australia has faced pandemics, natural disasters, financial disruption and a number of ‘large’ and ‘small’ wars before.
The importance of regional cooperation is becoming more apparent as the world moves into the third decade of the 21st century. An Army of Influence is a thought-provoking analysis of the Australian Army's capacity to change, with a particular focus on the Asia-Pacific region. Written by highly regarded historians, strategists and practitioners, this book examines the Australian Army's influence abroad and the lessons it has learnt from its engagement across the Asia-Pacific region. It also explores the challenges facing the Australian Army in the future and provides principles to guide operational, administrative and modernisation planning. Containing full-colour maps and images, An Army of Influence will be of interest to both the wider defence community and general readers. It underscores the importance of maintaining an ongoing presence in the region and engages with history to address the issues facing the Army both now and into the future.
This paper investigates the relationship between women’s education and desire for additional children across the six economic regions of Vietnam. The study employed data from the nationally representative Vietnam Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2014. Probit regression results showed that for women with one child, higher levels of education were associated with higher fertility desire in two out of six regions. Similar results were found for women with two or more children. Children’s sex composition played a role in the desire for additional children, reflecting both son preference and mixed-gender preference. In Vietnam overall, among women with at least one boy, those with lower levels of education were more likely not to want another child. The results, however, differed by region. The findings suggest that the social and economic context of each region, particularly sex ratio at birth and total fertility rate, should be taken into account when designing population policies in Vietnam.
The outcome of environmental actions from participation in the export market are examined by unpacking some mechanisms that explain the estimated relationship. The empirical strategy utilizes the variation in the distance between the location of the sampled enterprises and the top 25 destinations of Vietnamese exports across sectors, and the weight of each sampled export to total exports in each period, to obtain exogenous variation in the enterprise's export market participation. The result shows a positive relationship between the enterprise's export participation and its overall engagement in environmental actions (such as the sum of its environmental actions, the sum of actions in the investments in equipment towards environmental issues, and total expenditure for the purchase of equipment for environmental actions). Possible mechanisms are international standardization, national certification, and strong enforcement of environmental regulations from export market engagement.
Although usually associated with events in Europe and North America, the events of the ‘global 1968’ were global in scope. This chapter shows how Tanzanian youths shared common ground with their contemporaries around the world in protesting against Cold War interventions in Vietnam and Czechoslovakia. In doing so, they drew inspiration from the landscape of radical ideas and texts of revolutionary Dar es Salaam. But in contrast to the dynamics of counter-hegemonic protest elsewhere, the Tanzanian government’s foreign policy meant that it could channel these radical critiques of superpower imperialism into its own nation-building project. The language of anti-imperialism could also be deployed against more immediate threats, as the case of Malawi’s claims to Tanzanian territory demonstrate. While recognising the significance of transnational Afro-Asian and Third Worldist solidarities in these movements, the chapter integrates these dynamics into a national story. The state circumscribed the autonomy of youth activism, especially when it risked upsetting Julius Nyerere’s carefully calculated foreign policy.