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This chapter examines the critical interplay between African peacekeeping and the evolution of national and regional identities. It does so by exploring two levels of identity – regional and national. The growing prominence of regionally led African peacekeeping missions and initiatives since the 1980s has, the authors argue, fed into the establishment of regional identities and blocs across the continent, particularly in West Africa. It has also, however, provided a range of fora through which states can contest and re-negotiate their regional identity, and the authors explore the case of Tanzania in particular in this regard. The authors also highlight how peacekeeping has been incorporated into processes of post-conflict and post-liberation identity building, looking at Rwanda and South Africa, where peacekeeping missions have been understood as representations of post-genocide Rwanda or the ‘new South Africa’ and where peacekeepers have been heralded as embodiments of a new political settlement and normative positioning of the relationship between state and society.
For some years now the Anglican Church in Nigeria has been contending with the problems arising from the creation of missionary dioceses. Many retreats for the bishops in the missionary dioceses have been held from late 2000 to date, in an effort to find solutions to the problems, yet the problems have continued unabated. The situation provokes concern and interest in public discourse and intellectual circles. This study examines critically the problems of missionary dioceses and the effects of such problems on the workers and their families therein using a historical approach and both primary and secondary sources. The findings show that some of the missionary dioceses were created with poor funding and facilities as there was no adequate preparation for their creation. The study therefore recommends that the Church of Nigeria should support the missionary dioceses to stabilize.
The continuing conflict situation in Nigeria have created over 2 million displaced persons. In 2019, women and children accounted for about 80% of the internally displaced population in the country. Displacement increases the need for reproductive health services. This study explored the reasons for non-use of modern contraceptives among forcibly displaced Bakassi women in Akwa Ibom State, southern Nigeria. Focus group discussions were used to collect data from a convenience sample of 40 women of reproductive age (15–49 years) in two makeshift resettlement camps in the region in January and February 2020. Data were analysed using a qualitative inductive approach, with thematic organization and analysis of the transcribed responses from the focus group discussions. The findings revealed that many of the women were not using modern contraceptives at the time of the study, and the major reasons they gave for non-use were misconceptions, costs, religious beliefs, desire for more children and the inaccessibility and unavailability of contraceptive services. The use of family planning services can be a life-saving intervention in unstable, crisis environments. Programme implementation to address non-use of contraceptive services among women in crisis contexts should target social norm change, reproductive health education, empowerment programmes and health service provision.
This article examines the framework of Nigeria's local content laws and policy, and the implications for sustainable development. The legislation is geared towards safeguarding local productivity and aiding the progressive aspirations of Nigeria's citizens. While commendable in principle, there have been questions about policy articulation, implementation and enforcement mechanisms, especially with regard to the Sustainable Development Goals. The article examines the local content legislation in Nigeria, and how policies have shaped the community-corporate nexus. This exposes the challenges facing extractive resource governance in a jurisdiction such as Nigeria and the discourses that have permeated legal scholarship on the practical deference to local content by non-state actors. It considers that well designed and implemented local content requirements are catalysts for structural development. To achieve sustainable development of its extractive sector, Nigeria requires state-led determination to stimulate economic growth and development. The article argues for continuous consultation as a bedrock for meaningful engagement.
For decades, Plateau State in Nigeria's Middle Belt has witnessed repeated ethnoreligious violence. Over this period, both state and federal governments have established formal Commissions of Inquiry (COIs) in response to unrest, tasked with investigating violence, identifying perpetrators, and – ultimately – strengthening accountability. While commissions’ mandates and specific outcomes varied, there is general consensus that inquiries have been largely ineffective at securing justice or establishing accountability for violence. This study seeks to understand the expectations placed on, and role of, COIs in Plateau State as pathways to formal accountability in a context of recurring violence. We argue that COIs are embedded in the complex, multilevel networks and politics of state and non-state institutions. Civil society, in turn, has diverse expectations and demands, and articulates these in fragmented ways. As a result, COIs served primarily as another avenue for interest-based negotiations.
This study qualitatively examined dietary diversity among married women of reproductive age who engaged in two socio-economic activities to explore the dynamics of food availability, access, costs and consumption.
Qualitative in-depth interviews. The food groups in the Minimum Dietary Diversity for women were used to explore women’s dietary diversity. IDI were used to develop a roster of daily food consumption over a week. We explored food items that were considered expensive and frequency of consumption, food items that women require permission to consume and frequency of permission sought and the role of economic empowerment. Data analysis followed an inductive–deductive approach to thematic analysis.
Rural and peri-urban setting in Enugu State, Nigeria.
Thirty-eight married women of reproductive age across two socio-economic groupings (women who work only at home and those who worked outside their homes) were recruited in April 2019.
Economic empowerment improved women’s autonomy in food purchase and consumption. However, limited income restricted women from full autonomy in consumption decisions and access. Consumption of non-staple food items, especially flesh proteins, would benefit from women’s economic empowerment, whereas staple food items would not benefit so much. Dietary diversity is influenced by food production and purchase where factors including seasonal variation in food availability, prices, contextual factors that influence women’s autonomy and income are important determinants.
With limited income, agency and access to household financial resources coupled with norms that restrict women’s income earning, women continue to be at risk for not achieving adequate dietary diversity.
We used choice experiment data collected from 542 farmers in Nigeria to assess smallholders’ preferences for shifting to Climate-Smart Agriculture (CSA). Results suggest that the higher the size of the incentive, the more the likelihood of farmers’ willingness to invest in CSA schemes. Similarly, the farmers were in favor of community development associations and non-governmental organizations-managed schemes over other project managements and also prefer government-based institutions as opposed to the private sector. Willingness to accept results suggest that an average farmer is willing to accept $540/ha/year and $386/ha/year to embrace good agricultural practices (GAPs) with and without manure application.
Do discriminatory US immigration policies affect foreign public opinion about Americans? When examining negative reactions to US actions perceived as bullying on the world stage, existing research has focused either on US policies that involve direct foreign military intervention or seek to influence foreign countries’ domestic economic policy or policies advocating minority representation. We argue that US immigration policies – especially when they are perceived as discriminatory – can similarly generate anti-American sentiment. We use a conjoint experiment embedded in a unique survey of Nigerian expatriates in Ghana. Comparing respondents before and after President Trump surpisingly announced a ban on Nigerian immigration to the United States, we find a large drop (13 percentage points) in Nigerian’s favorability towards Americans.
Far from having only marginal significance and generating a ‘subdued’ response among African Americans, as some historians have argued, the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) collided at full velocity with the conflicting discourses and ideas by which Black Americans sought to understand their place in the United States and the world in the late 1960s. One of the most significant aspects of African American engagement with the civil war was the American Negro Leadership Conference on Africa peace mission that sought to bring the Federal Military Government of Nigeria and the secessionist leadership of the Republic of Biafra together through the mediation of some of the leading Black civil rights leaders in the United States. Through the use of untapped primary sources, this article will reveal that while the mission was primarily focused on finding a just solution to the internecine struggle, it also intersected with broader domestic and international crosscurrents.
Moving beyond the focus on violence against women and violence committed by women, this article interrogates violence countered by women. The article sheds new light on the gendered practices of counterinsurgency in northeast Nigeria, with critical attention to why women joined the civilian resistance to the Boko Haram insurgency and their complex role and agency as local security providers. Using the voices and lifeworlds of women who joined the Civilian Joint Task Force (yan gora) in Borno State as well as the Vigilante Group Nigeria and Hunters Association (kungiya marhaba) in Adamawa State, the article underscores the layered and gender-bending role of women as frontline fighters, knowledge brokers, state informants, and producers of vigilante technologies. The article finds that women counterinsurgents mobilized after Boko Haram shifted its strategy toward using female insurgents, especially as suicide bombers. Women joined the war against Boko Haram for complex reasons, including personal loss, revenge, family ties, community attachment, patriotism, and a collective yearning for normalcy.
Nigeria has experienced bouts of violent conflict in different regions since its independence leading to significant loss of life. In this article, we explore the average effect of exposure to violent conflict generally on labor supply in agriculture. Using a nationally representative panel dataset for Nigeria from 2010 to 2015, in combination with armed conflict data, we estimate the average effect of exposure to violent conflict on a household's farm labor supply. Our findings suggest that on average, exposure to violent conflict significantly reduces total family labor supply hours in agriculture. We also find that the decline in family labor supply is driven by a significant decline in the household head's total number of hours on the farm.
In this article, we examine the joint influence of land access and gender of household head on household food insecurity by employing a logit model and using data from the 2015/2016 Nigerian General Household Survey. Our results show that female-headed households (FHHs) are more food insecure than male-headed households. However, with a 1-acre increase in their access to land, FHHs are 16 percent less likely to be food insecure. This finding provides policy insights into how improving access to arable land for land-poor FHHs can enhance food security in Nigeria.
The chapter tests the theory derived from the empirical chapters. It provides additional empirrical evidence that countries with organizational gatekeepers are capable of undermining homegrown jihadi Salafism. It also shows that countries lacking institutional regulatory mechanisms in the Islamic sphere become radicalizers of their domestic Salafi communities.
This study aimed to assess the level of trust in the Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) risk communication efforts in Nigeria.
We conducted a descriptive cross-sectional study among community members aged 15 years and above in Ondo State in October, 2020. Data were collected using an interviewer-administered questionnaire, and analyzed using SPSS version 22. Descriptive statistics were summarized using frequencies. Trust was ranked from “1” suggesting “Low level of trust” to “7” denoting “High level of trust”. We conducted Chi-square test between respondents’ level of trust in the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) and socio-demographic characteristics. The level of significance was set at p < 0.05.
Among the 691 respondents, 244 (35.3%) were aged 21 to 29 years, and 304 (51.4%) accessed COVID-19 information through the NCDC. Overall, 205 (41.8%) had high level of trust in the NCDC, and 51 (51.5%) individuals aged 30-39 years had high level of trust in the NCDC (χ2 = 17.455; p = 0.001). Also, 114 (48.5%) persons who lived with children below 18 years had high level of trust in the NCDC (χ2 = 8.266; p = 0.004).
Policy-makers should prioritize the involvement of young and educated persons in COVID-19 risk communication strategies.
Road traffic collisions (RTC) result in a significant number of preventable deaths worldwide. In 2010, the United Nations General Assembly launched, “The Decade of Action for Road Safety (2011–2020)” with the stated goal to “reduce road traffic deaths and injuries by 50% by 2020.” This study aims to analyze trends in RTC numbers and subsequent deaths with respect to road safety laws in Nigeria and to suggest suitable interventions.
Annual reports for the period 2007–2017 were obtained from the Federal Road Safety Corps of Nigeria. These reports were analyzed for trends in RTC, including reported causes, fatalities, injuries, and casualties.
Overall total injuries, casualties, and fatalities increased by 74.7%, 61.2%, and 9.6%, respectively. Analysis showed that the 3 main causes of RTC were speed violation, loss of control, and dangerous driving.
Although current trends do not suggest that Nigeria will accomplish its initial goal of decreasing fatalities by 50% by 2020, there has been a reduction in the number of crashes resulting from dangerous driving. Further interventions such as implementing automated speed monitoring, collaboration, and data sharing between federal and regional agencies, and improving the state of road networks should be implemented to decrease fatalities further.
This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.
Principally, corruption is the willingness to gain or the act of gaining, what one is reasonably not in the position to earn or has not earned legally. It is as good a practice as it is a phenomenon that boils down to human actions and consequences. Truthfully, no human society is totally immune to this phenomenon, the question is only in matter of magnitude; both in practice and effects on the state. In all, corruption on a prebendal scale and sustained by a rentier/patrimonial system has been noted to be the worst of all. Exploring the culture and anatomy of corruption in Nigeria, the chapter presents new insights and interpretations to this phenomenon through the lens of the sociopolitical morphology of the country. This comes with the view of expanding the debate on corruption in Nigeria and contributing to the wide array of extant literature on the interesting, but unfortunate topic. Meanwhile, hardly anything is more talked about in the current Nigeria than this discourse. This provides this chapter with a plethora of sources to tap in addition to existing relevant literature.