To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure firstname.lastname@example.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Different from developed countries, there is a paucity of research examining how the Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension (DASH) and Mediterranean diets relate to lipids in less-developed ethnic minority regions (LEMR). A total of 83 081 participants from seven ethnic groups were retrieved from the baseline data of the China Multi-Ethnic Cohort study, which was conducted in less-developed Southwest China between May 2018 and September 2019. Multivariable linear regression models were then used to examine the associations of the DASH and alternative Mediterranean diet (AMED) scores, assessed by modified DASH score and AMED, as well as their components with total cholesterol (TC), LDL-cholesterol, HDL-cholesterol, TAG and TC/HDL-cholesterol. The DASH scores were negatively associated with TC, HDL-cholesterol and TAG. Comparing the highest quintiles with the lowest DASH scores, TC decreased 0·0708 (95 % CI −0·0923, −0·0493) mmol/l, HDL-cholesterol decreased 0·0380 (95 % CI −0·0462, −0·0299) mmol/l and TAG decreased 0·0668 (95 % CI −0·0994, −0·0341) mmol/l. The AMED scores were negatively associated with TC, LDL-cholesterol and HDL-cholesterol. Comparing the highest quintiles with the lowest AMED scores, TC decreased 0·0816 (95 % CI −0·1035, −0·0597) mmol/l, LDL-cholesterol decreased 0·0297 (95 % CI −0·0477, −0·0118) mmol/l and HDL-cholesterol decreased 0·0275 (95 % CI −0·0358, −0·0192) mmol/l. Although both the DASH diet and the Mediterranean diet were negatively associated with blood lipids, those associations showed different patterns in LEMR, particularly for TAG and HDL-cholesterol.
This study aimed to evaluate the performance of Cobas human papillomavirus (HPV) test in cervical cancer screening. A total of 3442 women aged ⩾20 years used Cobas HPV and hybrid capture 2 (HC2) tests were included in this study. Women with any positive result were examined by liquid-based cytology (LBC) test. Then subjects with abnormal LBC or positive Cobas HPV16/18 were further checked by colposcopy to observe the visible lesions to perform the pathological examination. Of these 3442 women, 328 cases were Cobas HPV positive, and the positive rate was 9.53% (95% confidence interval (CI) 8.50–10.53). The positive rate of HPV16, HPV18, and other 12 types of high-risk HPV were 1.54% (95% CI 1.12–1.95), 0.55% (95% CI 0.30–0.80), and 7.44% (95% CI 6.56–8.32), respectively. The coincidence rate of Cobas HPV test and HC2 test was 90% (95% CI 89.00–91.00; Kappa = 0.526) in the primary screening. Age had a non-linear relationship with Cobas HPV positive rate (χ2 = 4.240, P = 0.040) and HPV16/18 typing positive rate (χ2 = 6.610, P = 0.010). Compared with the LBC test, the Cobas HPV test had higher sensitivity when detecting patients with high cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN2+ and CIN3+).
No relevant studies have yet been conducted to explore which measurement can best predict the survival time of patients with cancer cachexia. This study aimed to identify an anthropometric measurement that could predict the 1-year survival of patients with cancer cachexia. We conducted a nested case–control study using data from a multicentre clinical investigation of cancer from 2013 to 2020. Cachexia was defined using the Fearon criteria. A total of 262 patients who survived less than 1 year and 262 patients who survived more than 1 year were included in this study. Six candidate variables were selected based on clinical experience and previous studies. Five variables, BMI, mid-arm circumference, mid-arm muscle circumference, calf circumference and triceps skin fold (TSF), were selected for inclusion in the multivariable model. In the conditional logistic regression analysis, TSF (P = 0·014) was identified as a significant independent protective factor. A similar result was observed in all patients with cancer cachexia (n 3084). In addition, a significantly stronger positive association between TSF and the 1-year survival of patients with cancer cachexia was observed in participants aged > 65 years (OR: 0·94; 95 % CI 0·89, 0·99) than in those aged ≤ 65 years (OR: 0·96; 95 % CI 0·93, 0·99; Pinteraction = 0·013) and in participants with no chronic disease (OR: 0·92; 95 % CI 0·87, 0·97) than in those with chronic disease (OR: 0·97; 95 % CI 0·94, 1·00; Pinteraction = 0·049). According to this study, TSF might be a good anthropometric measurement for predicting 1-year survival in patients with cancer cachexia.
Background: In November 2020, bamlanivimab received emergency use authorization (EUA) to treat patients with early, mild-to-moderate COVID-19 who are at high risk of progression. Montefiore Medical Center serves an economically underserved community of >1.4 million residents in the Bronx, New York. Montefiore’s antimicrobial stewardship team (AST) developed a multidisciplinary treatment pathway for patients meeting EUA criteria: (1) outpatients and hospital associates and (2) acute-care patients (EDs or inpatient). Methods: The Montefiore AST established a centralized process for screening high-risk COVID-19 patients 7 days a week. Referrals were sent by e-mail from occupational health, primary care practices, specialty practices, emergency departments, and urgent care centers. Patients were screened in real time and were treated in the ED or a newly established infusion center within 24 hours. After infusion, all patients received phone calls from nurses and had an infectious diseases televisit. Demographics, clinical symptoms, subsequent ED visit or hospital admission, and timing from infusion to ED or hospitalization were obtained from the electronic health record. Results: In total, 281 high-risk patients (median age, 62 years; 57% female) received bamlanivimab at the infusion center or in the acute-care setting between December 2, 2020, and January 27, 2021 (Table 1). The number of treated patients increased weekly (Figure 1). Also, 62% were Hispanic or black, and 96% met EUA criteria. Furthermore, 51 (18%) were referred from occupational health, 205 (73%) were referred from the community, and 25 (9%) were inpatients (https://www.fda.gov/media/143605/download). All patients were successfully infused without adverse reactions. In addition, 23 patients (8.2%) were hospitalized and 6 (2.1%) visited EDs within 30 days of treatment. The average number of days between symptom onset and infusion was 4.9. The median age of admitted versus nonadmitted patients was 68 years versus 61.5 years (P = .07). Conclusions: An AST-coordinated bamlanivimab treatment program successfully treated multiple high-risk COVID-19 patients and potentially reduced hospitalizations. However, the effort, personnel, and resources required are significant. Dedicated hospital investment is necessary for maximal success.
Background: The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported 32,600 cases, 2,700 deaths, and healthcare costs of 767 million dollars attributed to multidrug-resistant Pseudomonas aeruginosa. A recent study of 128 patients with nosocomial pneumonia due to P. aeruginosa showed the noninferiority of ceftolozane-tazobactam compared to meropenem. However, the resistance of ceftolozane-tazobactam due to AmpC mutations has been described. Compared with 2019, we observed an increase from 2 to 13 cases of ceftolozane-tazobactam–resistant P. aeruginosa (CRPA) during the COVID-19 pandemic at our institution in the Bronx, New York. Methods: A report of patients with CRPA between March and August 2020 was obtained. Data collected included demographics, hospitalization/IV antibiotic use in prior 90 days, SARS-CoV-2 PCR result, ICU admission, length of stay, antibiotic days of therapy, mortality, etc. Results: In total, 13 patients with CRPA infection were reviewed (Table 1). Among them, 2 patients were on the same inpatient medical-surgical unit but separated by 5 months. Also, 11 patients were from different medical-surgical units or ICUs. In addition, 5 patients (38%) were SARS-CoV-2 PCR positive. None of these COVID-19 patients were cohorted on the same unit, making horizontal spread of CRPA or COVID-19 unlikely. Finally, 8 of these patients died while hospitalized (4 were COVID-19 patients). Conclusions: We found a high incidence of mortality in patients with CRPA infection. Many patients had prolonged hospital stay and required ICU admission. Few patients were from long-term care facilities. Given the associated morbidity and mortality, increased surveillance and intensified antimicrobial stewardship efforts are needed to mitigate the impact of CRPA during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Background: Left-ventricular-assist device (LVAD)–related infections occur in 20%–40% of LVAD recipients and may result in up to 10% of LVAD-related deaths. Optimal surgical infection prophylaxis for LVAD implantation is not well defined. Our institution historically used a 4-drug surgical infection prophylaxis regimen of fluconazole, ciprofloxacin, rifampin, and vancomycin as recommended by the device manufacturer. In January 2020, a 2-drug surgical infection prophylaxis regimen of vancomycin and cefazolin was implemented to reduce broad-spectrum antibiotic use while preserving gram-positive coverage. The primary objective of this study was to compare LVAD-associated infection rates before and after changing surgical infection prophylaxis. Methods: A retrospective review of patients who underwent LVAD implantation between January 2018 and January 1, 2021, was performed. Definitions of LVAD-associated infections and non-LVAD infections were based on the International Society for Heart and Lung Transplantation guidelines. Infection rates at 2 weeks and 30 days after implantation and 30-day mortality were compared between the 4-drug surgical infection prophylaxis regimen (January 2018–December 2019) and the 2-drug regimen (January 2020–January 2021). Additional data collected included demographics, cause of cardiomyopathy, type of infection, and causative organism. Results: In total, 51 patients were in the 4-drug surgical infection prophylaxis group and 23 patients were in the 2-drug surgical infection prophylaxis group. Baseline characteristics between the groups were similar. The cause of cardiomyopathy in both groups was predominantly nonischemic (67% vs 70%, = .81), and most patients received a Heartmate III device (84% vs 100%, P = .06). There was no statistical difference between infection rates in the 4-drug and 2-drug prophylaxis groups at 2 weeks or 30 days (Table 1). The 30-day mortality rate was 4% in the 4-drug group versus 13% in the 2-drug group (P = .17). No deaths were due to infections. Gram-negative and fungal LVAD–associated infections were rare: 4% versus 4% (P = .99) for gram-negative infections and 2% versus 0% (P = .99) for fungal infections. The most commonly isolated organisms were Staphylococcus aureus and coagulase-negative Staphylococcus in both groups. Pneumonia was the most common infection in both groups (Figure 1). Conclusions: We did not observe a significant increase in infection or mortality with narrowing of perioperative antibiotics. However, these results should be interpreted cautiously given the small sample size. Larger studies are needed to confirm these findings.
We consider a gradual-impulse control problem of continuous-time Markov decision processes, where the system performance is measured by the expectation of the exponential utility of the total cost. We show, under natural conditions on the system primitives, the existence of a deterministic stationary optimal policy out of a more general class of policies that allow multiple simultaneous impulses, randomized selection of impulses with random effects, and accumulation of jumps. After characterizing the value function using the optimality equation, we reduce the gradual-impulse control problem to an equivalent simple discrete-time Markov decision process, whose action space is the union of the sets of gradual and impulsive actions.
The short-lived polygamous moth Grapholita molesta (Busck) is an important fruit pest worldwide. Trapping males by synthetic female sex pheromones is not an effective reproductive control strategy. It is important to improve this technology by understanding the mating system of G. molesta. This study investigated mating opportunities and fertile egg production by altering the operational sex ratio, mating age, and male mating history in repeated single mating and multiple mating in the two sexes. Our results showed that the mating and reproductive parameters of virgin males were affected by the number and age of virgin females. Males preferred a female number ≤three-fifths of the male number or ≤2-day-old females, while they discriminated against a female number ≥three times of the male number or ≥5-day-old females. On the other hand, the mating and reproductive parameters of virgin females were affected by repeated single mating and especially multiple mating under different male mating histories. Females preferred once-mated males and discriminated against virgin males. These results indicated that mating systems including more and older virgin females for virgin males and different virgin males for virgin females may be suitable for suppressing G. molesta populations. Hence, these results revealed that preventing mating of virgin adults by synthetic female sex pheromones should be most effective in controlling G. molesta.
To establish optimal gestational weight gain (GWG) in Chinese pregnant women by Chinese-specific BMI categories and compare the new recommendations with the Institute of Medicine (IOM) 2009 guidelines.
Multicentre, prospective cohort study. Unconditional logistic regression analysis was used to evaluate the OR, 95 % CI and the predicted probabilities of adverse pregnancy outcomes. The optimal GWG range was defined as the range that did not exceed a 1 % increase from the lowest predicted probability in each pre-pregnancy BMI group.
From nine cities in mainland China.
A total of 3731 women with singleton pregnancy were recruited from April 2013 to December 2014.
The optimal GWG (ranges) by Chinese-specific BMI was 15·0 (12·8–17·1), 14·2 (12·1–16·4) and 12·6 (10·4–14·9) kg for underweight, normal weight and overweight pregnant women, respectively. Inappropriate GWG was associated with several adverse pregnancy outcomes. Compared with women gaining weight within our proposed recommendations, women with excessive GWG had higher risk for macrosomia, large for gestational age and caesarean section, whereas those with inadequate GWG had higher risk for low birth weight, small for gestational age and preterm delivery. The comparison between our proposed recommendations and IOM 2009 guidelines showed that our recommendations were comparable with the IOM 2009 guidelines and could well predict the risk of several adverse pregnancy outcomes.
Inappropriate GWG was associated with higher risk of several adverse pregnancy outcomes. Optimal GWG recommendations proposed in the present study could be applied to Chinese pregnant women.
Toxoplasma gondii can infect almost all warm-blooded vertebrates with pathogensis being largely influenced by the host immune status. As important epidemiological hosts, rodents are globally distributed and are also commonly found infected with haemoflagellates, such as those in the genus Trypanosoma. We here address whether and how co-infection with trypanosomes can influence T. gondii infection in laboratory models. Rats of five strains, co-infected with T. lewisi and mice of four strains, co-infected with T. musculi, were found to be more or less susceptible to T. gondii infection, respectively, with corresponding increased or decreased brain cyst burdens. Downregulation of iNOS expression and decreased NO production or reverse were observed in the peritoneal macrophages of rats or mice, infected with trypanosomes, respectively. Trypanosoma lewisi and T. musculi can modulate host immune responses, either by enhancement or suppression and influence the outcome of Toxoplasma infection.
Barnyardgrass [Echinochloa crus-galli (L.) P. Beauv.] is a problematic weed in rice (Oryza sativa L.) fields. Overapplication of herbicides causes environmental pollution and the emergence of resistant weeds, and integrated weed management methods can reduce dependence on herbicides. The growth of E. crus-galli and rice seedlings was shown to be significantly inhibited by high concentrations of fulvic acid (FA, C14H12O8) under flooding conditions (HF, 0.80 g L−1) (P < 0.05). In contrast, seedling growth was promoted by the application of very low concentrations of FA (LF, 0.02 g L−1). The activities of glutathione S-transferase (GST) and antioxidant enzymes, including total superoxide dismutase (T-SOD), peroxidase (POD), and catalase (CAT), in E. crus-galli seedlings were enhanced by the LF treatment; while POD activity decreased and GST, T-SOD, and CAT activity was not significantly altered by the HF treatment. The metabolomic and transcriptomic analyses showed that FA regulated E. crus-galli seedling growth by affecting the synthesis of indole derivatives and flavonoid compounds. Compared with the blank control (CK, 0 g L−1), the levels of four indole derivatives were upregulated under the HF treatment, and the indole derivatives were slightly downregulated under the LF treatment. The flavonoids, including naringenin, naringenin chalcone, eriodictyol, kaempferol, and epigallocatechin, were downregulated under HF treatment, and the growth of E. crus-galli was reduced. In contrast, the metabolism and transcription of flavonoids were not significantly altered by the LF treatment. The addition of 0.80 g L−1 FA obviously inhibited the growth of newly sprouted E. crus-galli, whereas rice growth was significantly promoted 8 d after rice planting (P < 0.05). The application of FA, therefore, might be a potential integrated weed management method to control the damage caused by E. crus-galli in paddy fields.
Many overseas Chinese graduates returned to China after the establishment of the new republic by the Nationalists in 1912. They found that they had to re-evaluate their Western experiences and values from a perspective based on this new Chinese context. With regards to press freedom, individual circumstances and preferences resulted in divergent conceptions of press freedom. This chapter elaborates on these different attitudes towards press freedom amongst the more educated class in the 1920s and the 1930s. Debates were centred on two issues – ‘people's right versus human rights’, and ‘freedom versus limitation’. It shows that contested interpretations were based on the different socio-cultural backgrounds and personal selections of the concerned parties.
Keywords: New Culture Movement, absolute freedom, Marxism, political tutelage, press censorship, Chinese resistance war
A large number of overseas Chinese graduates returned to China after the establishment of the new republic, and many of them had obtained master's or doctoral degrees from prestigious international universities. The new republican government provided them with tempting job opportunities. The majority of these returning graduates were immediately hired as civil servants and participated in the routine operation of government. Others were hired as educators working in tertiary and secondary education institutions. These people, as well as their students who would graduate from domestic universities, were the intellectual elite who existed as the third power between the official ideology (the Three Principles of the People) and the general population who had little understanding of press freedom. They were a group of people who had experienced life in the West and had some knowledge of Western theories, and most of them were sympathetic to and enthusiastic about Western values and lifestyles.
After returning to their home country, however, particularly as many of them began serving in the Nationalist government, they had to re-evaluate their Western experiences and values from a perspective based on the new Chinese context. For each person this reevaluation was different, of course, resulting in divergent conceptions of press freedom amongst these intellectual elite. Nonetheless, their interpretations and understandings are key to understanding the history of press freedom in China.
This chapter explores the knowledge transfer of the notion of ‘freedom of the press’ that occurred through cultural interactions between China and Meiji Japan at the turn of the twentieth century. Compared with the scattered ideas initially imported from the West, the Japanese origin of Chinese press freedom was more influential, and the concept became popular amongst Chinese intellectuals at that time. This chapter uncovers the influence of Meiji Japanese intellectuals on the formation of the Chinese conception of press freedom and explains linguistic issues resulting from this knowledge transfer between the two countries. It also points out the problematic origins of Chinese press freedom and key contextual particularities that affected its acceptance.
In modern Chinese vocabulary, the phrase chuban ziyou (出版自由) is used to denote the Western concept of ‘liberty of the press/freedom of the press’. However, both the Chinese words chuban (出版) and ziyou (自 由) were not used to denote ‘the press’ and ‘freedom/liberty’ respectively in Chinese literature before the nineteenth century. As a matter of fact, chuban was not a Chinese word, despite being constituted by the Chinese characters chu (出) and ban (版). Neither was chuban ziyou a concept or word in Chinese literature before the nineteenth century. The question is, where did the phrase come from, and why and how did it come to be used to denote the modern concept of ‘liberty of the press/freedom of the press’ in Chinese literature from the late nineteenth century? These questions are important, as they concern the academic issue of the formalization of the concept. Only when a country uses its national language to denote an imported alien concept does that concept really become fully transplanted into the importing country, more formally becoming a conceptual tool.
Despite previous scholars having failed to answer these questions, some still provide us with useful clues. Chinese scholar Zheng Kuangmin has indicated that there were two paths by which the Western concept of ‘freedom/liberty’ was imported into China.
This chapter discusses Sun Yat-sen's thoughts on ‘liberty’ and their later development along anti-liberal lines. The near-deification of Sun Yat-sen in the late 1920s following his death ensured that his views and theories became the dominant discourse and that his intellectual legacy exerted significant influence on discussions of press freedom in China over the first half of the twentieth century. Sun Yat-sen's anti-liberal thoughts became integrated into the area of national news policy and journalism theory. The ‘San-min Doctrine of Journalism’ was formulated and came to dominate the official discourse. This later became the theoretical foundation that legitimized the policy of press censorship carried out by the Nationalist government.
Keywords: national liberty, three principles of the people, political right, authoritarianism, Kuomintang
The New Era
In the first decade of the twentieth century, when Chinese people maintained only a liminal perception and experience of the free press, Chinese revolutionaries began to organize and launch anti-Qing activities in the southern provinces. The revolutionaries came from different social classes, and many of them were members of anti-Qing secret societies known as huidang.. They were a loosely organized military force and were proficient at planning and conducting assassinations, military revolts, and other anti-government activities. Most of them knew very little about Chinese revolutionary philosophy and had no intention of establishing a republican government or a new democratic China. Many of them still regarded the revolutionaries’ anti-government and anti-Manchu activities as a necessary process to overthrow the old Manchu emperor and support a new Han emperor in his place. Indeed, the term ‘Chinese revolution’ meant nothing more to them than expelling the Manchus.
Under the guidance and leadership of Sun Yat-sen, the ‘reactionary’ Chinese intellectuals provided the revolutionaries with specialized knowledge of Western politics and insights into the future of Chinese revolution. Different from the older generation of traditional Chinese intellectuals, this rising generation of ‘reactionary’ Chinese were formed after the abolition of the imperial civil examination. Since there was no longer a pathway for them to serve in the imperial government through distinguishing themselves in this examination, many chose to study in Japan on a self-funded basis. Yet many only studied at Japanese tertiary institutions for a short time and did not obtain any diplomas or degrees.
This chapter explores the reception of the Western concept of press freedom by Chinese intellectuals when they first encountered it at the turn of the twentieth century. It argues that, during this process of knowledge transfer, the meaning of press freedom as received by Chinese intellectuals was different from Western conceptions at that time. It shows how the introduction of this concept was closely related to the developing realities of Chinese society and echoed Chinese social and cultural pursuits in the late nineteenth century. Due to their specific socio-cultural milieu, Chinese intellectuals misinterpreted the moral discourse and liberal meanings of the Western concept of freedom of the press.
The previous chapter concluded that when the nineteenth-century pioneers initially introduced the Western idea of press freedom into China, they outlined three fundamental principles as to why it should be adopted. First, that the ‘state’ would benefit from a free press, as the better a free press performs its function, the more prosperous the country will become. Second, they saw freedom (including freedom of the press and freedom of speech) as endowed by natural law and by God (or ‘Heaven’ in Chinese parlance). Freedom of speech as a natural right was understood to be God's gift to mankind. Therefore, people should be allowed to express their opinions freely and to publish their thoughts in books, pamphlets, and periodicals without censorship. Protestant missionaries maintained that all people should be allowed to express and publish their opinions without government interference, and press freedom was articulated as an indispensable constituent of the discourse of freedom of religion (particularly the freedom of publishing articles to disseminate the doctrines of Christianity). They also maintained that the freedom of the press was a civil right that enabled citizens to monitor the government and to express their political opinions. Third, the early pioneers argued that since press freedom derived from freedom of thought, freedom of the press must be fully respected so that each individual might be allowed to think freely.
In the final years of the 1940s, China was to have its last chance to realize press freedom. This chapter builds on Chapter 6, exploring the calls for press freedom that emerged in the 1940s and that echoed changes in the domestic and international situation. These calls were aimed at achieving proponents’ own political interests rather than the ideal of press freedom as a human right in itself. The motivations behind the Chinese Communist Party's advocacy of press freedom during those years are explored as well as the fears that made many Nationalists wary of a truly free press. ‘Freedom of the press’ had become an instrumental concept used for political purposes, where a free press was not the intended outcome.
Keywords: Nationalist Party, Kuomintang, Chinese Communist Party, constitutional movement, Chiang Kai-shek, civil rights
In June 1929, the Nationalist Party promised that Political Tutelage would only last for a six-year period, after which a constitutional government would be formally established in 1935. This promise was not kept. Faced with intractable military and political crises both internationally and domestically, the the Nationalist Party did not proceed with the transition from Political Tutelage to constitutional democracy. Before addressing the constitution, the Nationalist Party felt there were other issues that were more critical, such as the resistance war against Japan, the continuing political and military conflicts amongst the different factions and cliques within the Nationalist Party, and the ‘encirclement and suppression’ campaign they were running against the Communist troops. After the end of the Second World War, Chiang Kai-shek still insisted on a military dictatorship and refused to implement constitutional democracy until the armed forces of the Communist Party had been entirely dismantled. In this context, many non- Nationalist intellectuals, and particularly those from the opposition parties, increased their calls for constitutional democracy, urging the Nationalist Party to honour its earlier commitment. During this movement of striving for constitutional democracy, fighting for a free press became an important agenda for these intellectuals.
The Constitutional Movement and Democratic Propositions
Even though calls to move towards constitutional democracy and press freedom had emerged as early as the late 1930s, it was not until the 1940s that they became more vocal.
This chapter examines the introduction of the Western concept of press freedom into imperial China. The initial introduction of freedom of the press was a product of the transnational interaction between China and the West in the nineteenth century. From the 1830s, Western businessmen, European Protestant missionaries, and Chinese diplomats introduced scattered ideas of press freedom into China, though these had very little influence at the time. This chapter documents this initial process of conceptual transplantation and summarizes the differing interpretations of press freedom through an in-depth textual analysis of primary sources.
Keywords: translation, imperial China, newspapers, missionary publishing industry, liberty, media history
China in a Transitional Period
On 30 June 1906, the newspaper Shenbao published an editorial observing that ‘large numbers of books have been translated from the East and the West, and through this, modern knowledge has flowed into China at the same time. When Chinese literates write articles they use new vocabulary here and there, which has even changed the classic style of Chinese writings.’ This statement highlights that numerous alien concepts had been introduced into China, becoming trendy and popular notions that were utilized by Chinese literates. It also identifies that those concepts came from ‘the East’ and ‘the West’.
The notions of ‘the East’ and ‘the West’ were geographical indicators based on the historical presumption that China was the centre of the world. From the tenth century, Chinese people began to think of their land as being at the centre of the map. They traded with other countries and generalized them as ‘the Eastern countries’ and ‘the Western countries’ based on this. As Chinese scholars noted in the nineteenth century, ‘the notions of “the South” and “the North” [were] unchanged, but the “the East” and “the West” [were] changing diachronically’. From the very beginning, the geographical location of ‘the West’ referred to locations to the west of Yümen, now a city in Gansu province, and with the development of the Silk Road the word was particularly used to refer to the western Asian nations. After the first and the second industrial revolutions, the notion of ‘the West’ began to refer to European countries as they exerted a stronger influence on Chinese modernity.