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Transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) could be a side-effect-free alternative to psychostimulants in attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Although there is limited evidence for clinical and cognitive effects, most studies were small, single-session and stimulated left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC). No sham-controlled study has stimulated the right inferior frontal cortex (rIFC), which is the most consistently under-functioning region in ADHD, with multiple anodal-tDCS sessions combined with cognitive training (CT) to enhance effects. Thus, we investigated the clinical and cognitive effects of multi-session anodal-tDCS over rIFC combined with CT in double-blind, randomised, sham-controlled trial (RCT, ISRCTN48265228).
Fifty boys with ADHD (10–18 years) received 15 weekday sessions of anodal- or sham-tDCS over rIFC combined with CT (20 min, 1 mA). ANCOVA, adjusting for baseline measures, age and medication status, tested group differences in clinical and ADHD-relevant executive functions at posttreatment and after 6 months.
ADHD-Rating Scale, Conners ADHD Index and adverse effects were significantly lower at post-treatment after sham relative to anodal tDCS. No other effects were significant.
This rigorous and largest RCT of tDCS in adolescent boys with ADHD found no evidence of improved ADHD symptoms or cognitive performance following multi-session anodal tDCS over rIFC combined with CT. These findings extend limited meta-analytic evidence of cognitive and clinical effects in ADHD after 1–5 tDCS sessions over mainly left dlPFC. Given that tDCS is commercially and clinically available, the findings are important as they suggest that rIFC stimulation may not be indicated as a neurotherapy for cognitive or clinical remediation for ADHD.
OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: Parkinson’s disease (PD) is a condition that affects over a million Americans, and despite current medical therapies, the progression of the disease results in impaired generation of internally timed or guided (IG) movements. To address this loss of motor function, previous rehabilitation therapies have focused on remediating the affected striatal-thalamic-cortical circuits (STC), primarily thought to be responsible in generating timed motor patterns. However, given the disease leads to the cell death of dopaminergic cells that are essential for proper STC function, we propose a motor therapy aimed at utilizing a compensatory parallel cerebellar-thalamic-cortical (CTC) pathway, recruited to perform externally guided (EG) movements, in which gait initiation is driven from sensory input. Our previous study has shown efficacy in our novel argentine tango therapy and improves behavioral measures above the relevant MCID threshold, but it has not been established that the CTC are in the causal pathway that are responsible for these changes. Using neural measures from task fMRI, we have begun to characterize networks that have changed and quantify any associations with behavioral metrics. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Patients were randomly assigned to an IG (n=18), EG (n=18), or education contact control (n=14). Participants were assessed preintervention and postintervention for behavioral motor and cognitive measures and neurophysiologically with task based fMRI. In the task, participants performed a foot tapping task under both IG (tap their foot in previously learned rhythm) or EG (tap immediately after receiving a tactile cue on their hand) conditions. The fMRI data were preprocessed using AFNI and registered to MNI standard space. The brainnetome atlas was applied and the average time series of each region of interest (ROI) was used to increase the signal to noise ratio. The activation of these ROI with respect to the stimulus was modeled using GLM, and we estimated the area under the curve during the task blocks. A 1-way ANOVA analysis on these betas were performed between the pre and the post intervention time points and the ROIs that were above a significance of 0.95 were identified and corrected for multiple comparisons. The change in beta in all ROIs for each individual were calculated and then correlated with the changes in the behavioral data, to see which changes in ROI areas matched the best with the behavioral changes. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: The EG group showed significant changes only in the EG task in 2 areas—inferior frontal gyrus and inferior temporal sulcus. Correlating to the cognitive behavioral measures show reduced error from the Inferior frontal gyrus (corr>0.5) best reflect changes in observed. There were no changes to either the STC or the CTC pathways. The IG group showed no changes behaviorally and showed no changes neurally as well. The control group showed no changes behaviorally, but neuronally certain DMN nodes, such as the precuneus and inferior temporal regions showed a significant change for both tasks. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: Addressing the damaged STC pathway directly through IG therapy may not be effective. The EG therapy may not be able to enhance the STC pathway. However, the therapy appears to utilize new areas in the frontal regions and correlates with positively with changes in spatial memory and balance tasks. Contrary to our hypothesis the CTC circuit was not upregulated for performance of the IG or EG task, but therapy may have enhanced recruitment of other cognitively engaged areas. The educational control group interestingly showed changes in the DMN network, which has been shown to be linked to attention during tasks blocks.
An engineering service project can be highly interactive, collaborative, and distributed. The implementation of such projects needs to generate, utilize, and share large amounts of data and heterogeneous digital objects. The information overload prevents the effective reuse of project data and knowledge, and makes the understanding of project characteristics difficult. Toward solving these issues, this paper emphasized the using of data mining and machine learning techniques to improve the project characteristic understanding process. The work presented in this paper proposed an automatic model and some analytical approaches for learning and predicting the characteristics of engineering service projects. To evaluate the model and demonstrate its functionalities, an industrial data set from the aerospace sector is considered as a the case study. This work shows that the proposed model could enable the project members to gain comprehensive understanding of project characteristics from a multidimensional perspective, and it has the potential to support them in implementing evidence-based design and decision making.
Matthew Wood’s recent article in the European Journal of Sociology is a useful addition to the secularization debate. There is value in studying ways in which religious organizations now attempt to re-enter the public arena and the secularizing consequences of such activity. However, there is no justification for framing that case as an indictment of either Bryan R. Wilson’s original 1966 presentation of the modern sociological secularization theory or the subsequent work of others in the same paradigm. This rejoinder explains Wilson’s apparent assuming rather than demonstrating the declining influence of religious institutions and concludes that his work can be augmented without asserting that he had missed something which fundamentally alters the secularization approach to religious change.
During the past few years, considerable interest has been expressed by swine producers, pork packers, and processors concerning the potential for expanding Oklahoma's swine-pork industry, even though the state's largest hog slaughtering facility has ceased operation. The study described herein was undertaken to satisfy these interests. The general objective was to identify the conditions necessary for and the limits to the expansion of Oklahoma's swine-pork industry. Due to the national scope of the model, similar information concerning other regions is also made available. The objective was addressed through a series of sub-objectives that dealt with the determination of expansion potential under various exogenous conditions.
Superficially the post-war Kirk was in better shape than it had been for 200 years. The return of the Seceders and the Free Church meant that the Kirk could now claim a third of adult Scots as members, which made it more of a national church than its much larger English counterpart. Fewer than half of England's Christians supported the Church of England: the Kirk could claim two-thirds of all Scottish church members. The Beveridge report of 1942 had laid the foundations for a modern welfare state which would protect its citizens from cradle to grave and that faith in government ability to produce a better world gave the Labour party its victory in 1945. The immediate postwar period was a time of confidence in institutions and social planning that allowed the national church to claim a renewed salience. The churches also benefited from a very strong desire among the demobilised service men and women and their families to return to normal.
But there were troubling under-currents. For all the desire to return to normal, the war had changed many people. It is difficult to exaggerate the extent to which settlements and settled patterns of behaviour were disrupted by six years of a war which, one way or another, mobilised most of the population. In total, around 600,000 Scots men were involved in the armed forces, the vast majority of them being moved from their home cities, towns and villages and pressed into the company of comrades from very different social and religious backgrounds.
An account of religion in modern Scotland could start anywhere but this will begin with Scotland's maritime fringes for three reasons. The first is trivial: in their very different ways Lewis, Orkney and Shetland are breathtakingly beautiful. The second is relevant: too often Scotland is reduced to Glasgow and its religious culture is reduced to sectarian conflict. The third is important: it is easier to see social processes at work in small and clearly defined areas. In 1900 the peoples of Lewis, Orkney and Shetland were similarly likely to be churchgoing. By 2000, the people of Lewis were almost three times as likely as those of the Northern Isles to attend church. And, as we will see, that divergence came before the oil industry changed Orkney and Shetland. So we have something to explain.
We also have a good chance of explaining it. The value of Lewis, Orkney and Shetland for systematic comparison is that in 1900 the three islands were similar in many respects. They were part of the same state, had the same national church and were subject to the same system of law and public administration. They were economically similar: their peoples eked out mostly thin livings in combinations of subsistence farming and fishing that were protected by the Crofters Act of 1886. There were differences in weighting – the people of Lewis and of Orkney were crofters with boats while the typical Shetlander was a fisherman with a croft – but they were more like each other than any was like the people of the lowlands.
In February 2013 Cardinal Keith O'Brien resigned. Three priests and one former priest had accused him of ‘inappropriate behaviour’ in the 1980s. Although he initially denied the charges, the Vatican pushed him to quit a few months before his due retirement at seventy-five. In some ways O'Brien was progressive. He was in favour of priests being allowed to marry. When Steve Gilhooley published his account of having been abused at a seminary in Cumbria, O'Brien defended him against Vatican officials who seemed more concerned about Gilhooley than about what he revealed. But O'Brien had also been such a vocal opponent of gay marriage that in 2012 the gay rights campaigning organisation Stonewall had made him its Bigot of the Year.
Two of O'Brien's colleagues could have made Stonewall's short list. Philip Tartaglia, Archbishop-elect of Glasgow, told a conference on religious freedom at Oxford University:
If what I have heard is true about the relationship between the physical and mental health of gay men, then society is being very quiet about it. Recently in Scotland, there was a gay Catholic MP who died at the age of 44 or so, and nobody said anything, and why his body just shut down at that age. Obviously he could have had a disease that would have killed anybody. But you seem to hear so many stories about this kind of thing, but society won't address it.
As of the autumn of 2013 only the most basic data on religious identity from the 2011 census are available and it is not yet possible to explore the correlations (for example, place of birth and religion) that would help explain changes since 2001. The 2011 census asked only for current religious identity. Dropping the ‘religion of upbringing’ question means that some reasons for changes are obscured. It also means that even when all the data is released we will not be able to address questions (such as the links between religion and social mobility) where how people were raised may be more important than what they became possibly half a century later. A further problem is that a small but vital part of the 2001 data – the ‘Other religion’ and ‘No religion’ categories – has been recoded so that some responses which were then coded as ‘Other religion’ have now been shifted to the ‘No religion’ set. A final reason for not replacing the 2001 figures in the text with those for 2011 is that the 2001 census coincided with an edition of the national Scottish Social Attitudes Survey and a large survey of Glasgow, both of which were concerned primarily with religion and supposed associated characteristics. The three sources together allow for considerable depth of analysis and adding the 2011 census figures would have made parts of them even more complex than they are now.
On the afternoon of 30 June 2007, a dark green Jeep Cherokee was driven into the front of the terminal building at Glasgow airport. Security bollards stopped the car breaking through the doors. There was a series of small explosions but the blasts and the subsequent fire were contained within the Jeep. Five members of the public were slightly injured, some hurt tackling the terrorists. Police identified the two men apprehended at the scene as Bilal Abdullah, a British-born doctor of Iraqi descent working at the Royal Alexandra Hospital in Paisley, and Kafeel Ahmed, also known as Khalid Ahmed, a Cambridge student. It was quickly established that the two men had been responsible for a failed bomb attack on London's West End a few days earlier. Ahmed died of his burns. Abdullah was sentenced to thirty-two years in prison.
The initial reaction to the airport attack was shock at what Scots took to be the latest atrocity in a sequence that started with the Twin Towers in 2001 and included the 2005 London tube bombings. But once it became clear that the sole fatality was one of the terrorists, the tone changed quite noticeably. John Smeaton, a baggage handler who weighed into the fight between a policeman and one of the terrorists, became a celebrity, not just for his prompt action in joining the fray and pulling clear an injured civilian, but also for his curt description of his actions: ‘So I ran straight towards the guy, we're all trying to get a kick in at him, take a boot to subdue the guy’.