How do people make decisions between an immediate but small reward and a delayed but large one? The outcome of such decisions indicates that people discount rewards by their delay and hence these outcomes are well described by discounting functions. However, to understand irregular decisions and dysfunctional behavior one needs models which describe how the process of making the decision unfolds dynamically over time: how do we reach a decision and how do sequential decisions influence one another? Here, we present an attractor model that integrates into and extends discounting functions through a description of the dynamics leading to a final choice outcome within a trial and across trials. To validate this model, we derive qualitative predictions for the intra-trial dynamics of single decisions and for the inter-trial dynamics of sequences of decisions that are unique to this type of model. We test these predictions in four experiments based on a dynamic delay discounting computer game where we study the intra-trial dynamics of single decisions via mouse tracking and the inter-trial dynamics of sequences of decisions via sequentially manipulated options. We discuss how integrating decision process dynamics within and across trials can increase our understanding of the processes underlying delay discounting decisions and, hence, complement our knowledge about decision outcomes.

Lithium intoxication is known to induce cognitive deficits along with motor and behavioral changes, even in association with normal serum levels. However, cases with comprehensive neuropsychological assessment of the deficits are rare. In our patient, we initially found severe cognitive deficits, including apraxia and visuo-constructive problems, and temporo-parietal FDG–PET hypometabolism. Neuropsychological and imaging findings were highly suggestive of Alzheimer's disease. However, lithium intoxication was suspected to account for these findings because of a Parkinson's syndrome, despite serum levels being in the upper therapeutic range. This was confirmed as cessation of lithium medication not only let the Parkinson's syndrome disappear, but also lead to dramatic improvements with respect to cognition.

The role of the basal ganglia in syntactic language processing was investigated with event-related brain potentials in fourteen neurologically impaired patients. Seven of these patients had basal ganglia lesions while 7 other patients primarily had lesions of the left temporo–parietal region excluding the basal ganglia. All patients listened to sentences that were either correct or included a verb argument structure violation. In previous experiments this type of violation elicited a biphasic pattern of an N400–P600 complex in young healthy participants. While the N400 may result from incorrect semantic-thematic role assignment, the P600 reflects the fact that verb information does not license the syntactic structure at present. Results of the patient experiment revealed a double dissociation: patients with left temporo–parietal lesions only show a P600, whereas patients with lesions of the basal ganglia showed no P600, but a negativity with extended duration that resembled an N400. The latter pattern not only confirms previous reports that the basal ganglia modulate the P600 but extends these results by showing that the N400 as a late semantic–thematic integration process appears partially modulated by the basal ganglia. (JINS, 2003, 9, 1053–1060.)

Bachra takes a fresh look at the issue of phonotactic constraints in the consonantal verbal roots of the Semitic languages. This topic has received much previous attention, both descriptive and theoretical. The prevailing view is that consonant combinations in verbal roots are avoided when those consonants share major place of articulation features. For example, roots in Arabic containing both /b/ and /f/ are highly underrepresented, and these two consonants share [labial] place. In generative analyses, this constraint is considered to be an instantiation of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP), restricted to place of articulation features (e.g. McCarthy 1994). There are, of course, some complications. The constraint is partially sensitive to manner features, as combinations of coronal obstruents and coronal sonorants are permitted. In addition, the set of uvular, pharyngeal and laryngeal consonants is prohibited from co-occurring, indicating that shared place of articulation can be construed rather broadly. Finally, the constraint is gradient, rather than absolute. In many cases, consonant combinations that share place are found, but are just very infrequent.

Both linguistic and empirical evidence fail to support Grodzinsky's account of Broca's aphasics' comprehension problems. We address concerns regarding Grodzinsky's referring to the internal subject hypothesis, the importance of case information in thematic role assignment, the processing of passives, and the adequacy of Grodzinsky's linear strategy.