We have studied the sintering parameters of YBa2Cu3O7-x (YBCO) coatings produced by electrophoretic deposition (EPD) on Ag and Ni substrates. The maximal sintering temperature is ∼ 930°C due to partial melting and chemical contamination for Ag and Ni substrates respectively. Increasing the sintering duration does not improve significantly the densification. When Ar sintering atmosphere is used, the coating density is strongly increased on Ag substrates while adhesion is poor on Ni substrates. The Ar-sintered YBCO coating deposited on planar Ag substrate displays a significant magnetic shielding effect for low frequency applied magnetic induction.

We report measurements of photoluminescence from corrugated thin films of a light-emitting polymer. We find that emission into guided modes that would otherwise be trapped in the polymer may Bragg scatter off the corrugation to produce useful, far-field radiation. Analysis of the angle dependence of this far-field emission together with theoretical modeling enables us to establish the nature of the optical modes guided by the structure. We show that the dispersion of the modes supported by corrugated polymer films depends on the depth of modulation of the corrugation and find that if the periodic corrugation is strong enough photonic band gap effects may be induced. We also address the question of whether Bragg-scattering of the guided modes, including surface plasmon polariton modes, may increase the efficiency of the emission. We measure and compare the efficiency with which radiation is produced by planar and corrugated structures, finding the corrugated structures to be up to a factor of 2.6 more efficient. We indicate how our results may be used in the search for ways to improve the efficiency of devices based on light emitting thin films.

The central question of postconflict societies remains political: how to construct a stable form of domestic power sharing and governance. Adversaries mutually exhausted by conflict will still set an adequate degree of influence and voice in future political arrangements as the price of terminating the conflict. Where adversarial identities have become all-encompassing or the war has gone on for too long, the only available solutions may be more radical, including autonomy or partition.

The task of international mediators is to help the parties assess the available forms of sharing power. In the dominant view of the United Nations community and international financial institutions, the available choice set is the various forms of representative government—for both idealistic and practical reasons. Democracy has become the dominant political philosophy of the multilateral community, even where it is not always observed in practice, and its breadth of participation may be likeliest to placate former adversaries. But any social engineer or planner must also take into account the practical problems that democracy will probably encounter in the aftermath of conflict, including the conditions necessary for its stability and prestige. In addition, the portfolio of democracy has varied structures that may give greater confidence to both sides and persuade the combatants to lay down their arms.

The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.

‘GOVERNMENTAL INSTABILITY: ITS CAUSES AND CURE’ HAS stimulated a growth industry in political science. Conferences, projects and published and unpublished works attest to its attraction as a research topic as well as its centrality for the democratic process. The volatility of electorates ranks high among the presumed causes of instability. The inability of cabinets to maintain legislative majorities, often attributed to the fickle nature of mass publics, is said to lead to ineffective government. Lack of effectiveness, in turn, results in voter disaffection, loss of legitimacy and increased volatility.

Once again, Spain is in political transition. The death of Franco in 1975 provided the opportunity for rationalizing an awkward political system. The objective of the politicians who gathered to draft a new constitution was twofold: to organize a state that was to be both modern and legitimate in a society that is still in many ways ‘pre-civic’ but, at the same time, increasingly tied to the industrial and post-industrial West.

Both the classical Romans and the classical Fascists of Mussolini referred to the Mediterranean as Mare Nostrum, ‘our sea’. The rugged peninsula of Italy cuts the sea in half, making Italy, at least by geography, a Mediterranean country. At the same time, it is a European country, a central actor in the long history of both the Mediterranean and Europe. When the center of Europe gravitated toward that sea, the peninsula was near the center of the world and Italy was a major link between Europe and the Middle East, North Africa, and the Moslem world. As the focus of Europe moved north and west, Italy became more marginal; but as a Catholic country it remained oriented largely to Europe. The Christian and Moslem sides of the Mediterranean developed in different directions.

La politica ≪ locale ≫ non esiste nelle società industriali avanzate. Infatti, in questi sistemi politici altamente mobili e integrati — sotto il profilo economico se non normativo — gli interessi locali, nazionali e perfino internazionali sono collegati cosí strettamente, che ogni tentativo di restringere l'attenzione al solo livello locale finisce col dimostrarsi inadeguato e spesso anche artificioso. Per esempio, agli studi sul potere nelle comunità è stata mossa la critica che essi generalmente ignorano quale ruolo cruciale abbiano gli ambienti sociali, politici e economici nella definizione dell'ambito in cui si muovono coloro che prendono le decisioni a livello locale e che, inoltre, tali studi non tengono conto del fatto che le piú importanti decisioni locali vengono prese da centri di potere privati e di governo esterni alle comunità locali e che forze potenti, sia locali che non locali, operano la scelta dei problemi da dibattere a livello locale.

Nel 1967 e nel 1968 sono state svolte, in Francia ed in Italia, delle indagini post-elettorali, a livello nazionale, su campioni di opinione pubblica, nell−ambito del medesimo progetto per uno studio comparato fra nazioni sul tema del governo rappresentativo. In questa sede, riferiamo su alcune conclusioni tratte da una serie piú ristretta di dati relativi al rapporto, riscontrabile nei due paesi, fra l−opinione espressa dal pubblico su problemi scelti e le sue preferenze politiche.

Il miglior risultato che si possa ottenere dalla ricerca empirica è costituito da un eccellente accordo tra la teoria ed i dati: il fatto che questo stato di cose si verifichi di rado non fa che renderlo ancora piú piacevole. Le scienze sociali riescono infatti meglio nel criticare che non nel fornire prove, nel dimostrare l'inesattezza di ciò che crediamo di sapere piuttosto che nel costruire utili modelli di comportamento. Ancora meno di frequente avviene che si riesca a provare fondate sul piano della realtà empirica nozioni date per scontate nell'uso corrente. È ovvio infine che una delle meno frequenti evenienze è quella di trovare che la teoria ed i dati contribuiscono a provare come il folklore politico sia esatto. Eppure è proprio uno di questi esoterici risultati che il presente saggio ha il piacevole compito di esporre.