The longevity of Cassini’s exploration of Saturn’s atmosphere (a third of a Saturnian year) means that we have been able to track the seasonal evolution of atmospheric temperatures, chemistry and cloud opacity over almost every season, from solstice to solstice and from perihelion to aphelion. Cassini has built upon the decades-long ground-based record to observe seasonal shifts in atmospheric temperature, finding a thermal response that lags behind the seasonal insolation with a lag time that increases with depth into the atmosphere, in agreement with radiative climate models. Seasonal hemispheric contrasts are perturbed at smaller scales by atmospheric circulation, such as belt/zone dynamics, the equatorial oscillations and the polar vortices. Temperature asymmetries are largest in the middle stratosphere and become insignificant near the radiative-convective boundary. Cassini has also measured southern-summertime asymmetries in atmospheric composition, including ammonia (the key species forming the topmost clouds), phosphine and para-hydrogen (both disequilibrium species) in the upper troposphere; and hydrocarbons deriving from the UV photolysis of methane in the stratosphere (principally ethane and acetylene). These chemical asymmetries are now altering in subtle ways due to (i) the changing chemical efficiencies with temperature and insolation and (ii) vertical motions associated with large-scale overturning in response to the seasonal temperature contrasts. Similarly, hemispheric contrasts in tropospheric aerosol opacity and coloration that were identified during the earliest phases of Cassini’s exploration have now reversed, suggesting an intricate link between the clouds and the temperatures. Finally, comparisons of observations between Voyager and Cassini (both observing in early northern spring, one Saturn year apart) show tantalizing suggestions of non-seasonal variability. Disentangling the competing effects of radiative balance, chemistry and dynamics in shaping the seasonal evolution of Saturn’s temperatures, clouds and composition remains the key challenge for the next generation of observations and numerical simulations.

During recent years a series of important studies have attempted to deal synthetically with violent aspects of European history in the twentieth century. All of them refer to and replicate aspects of Eric Hobsbawm's masterpiece Age of Extremes: the Short Twentieth Century 1914–1991 (1994), which in turn demarked that century from the ‘long nineteenth century’ with which Hobsbawm concluded his Age of Empire 1875–1914 (1987). Key analyses in the ‘classic’ works of Volker Berghahn, Ian Kershaw and Mark Mazower share three broad arguments: first, they demonstrate the important role played by ideologies. Liberalism, different variants of aggrandizing nationalism, including colonial imperialism and Nazism, as well as socialism and Soviet communism were, in different phases, instrumental in intensifying political violence (or, as Kershaw terms it, ‘state-sponsored violence’) during the twentieth century. Mark Mazower reminds us in this respect of two realities: during the twentieth century, Europe was not on the whole shaped by a convergence of thinking and feeling, but by a series of violent clashes of diametrically opposed New Orders; and National Socialism, fascism and communism were not alien or novel imports into Europe but grew out of the heritages of previous periods of European history. What was new therefore in the twentieth century was not that there were such ideologically driven conflicts, but their intensity. This owed something to the novel harshness of the expression of these ideologies, but was also a consequence of new means of expression.

There are four main terms with similar yet unique definitions to consider when developing a method of pest management. Eradication is the application of phytosanitary measures to eliminate a pest from an area or geographic region (Food and Agriculture Organization, 2005). Suppression involves maintaining an insect population at or below the economic injury level (Pfadt, 1972; Hendrichs et al., 2002). Containment is the application of phytosanitary measures in and around an infested area to prevent spread of a pest (FAO, 2005). Prevention is the application of phytosanitary measures in and/or around a pest free area to avoid the introduction of a pest. Of the four, only prevention involves a preemptive strategy to keep the pest at bay rather than managing it upon arrival (Hendrichs et al., 2002, 2005; Food and Agriculture Organization, 2005). The other three terms, eradication, suppression and containment, are designed to manage a pest after its initial infestation. These terms are not mutually exclusive; rather, they provide different strategies and tactics designed to custom fit an areawide IPM (AW-IPM) program. The section of this chapter on pink bollworm (Pectinophora gossypiella) provides a brief review of San Joaquin Valley, California in regards to prevention, as well as the ongoing efforts to eradicate this invasive lepidopteran insect from the cotton growing regions of the southwest USA and northern Mexico. The section on Mediterranean fruit fly (Ceratitis capitata) of this chapter discusses in greater detail the economic viability and opportunity cost of eradication versus suppression in the international market.

Jacob Shatzky was one of the new generation of Polish Jewish historians who grew to maturity during the interwar decades and were virtually wiped out during the Second World War. It was Shatzky's fate to survive the Catastrophe. During more than forty years of literary activity, he produced hundreds of articles, critical reviews, monographs and booklength studies, in addition to editing numerous anthologies and annuals. His writing ranged .over the length and breadth of modem Jewish history and thought, from Spinoza to Yiddish theatre and literature, from the Jewries of Central and Western Europe to the new communities in Latin America and the United States. His best and most important works focused on the Jews of Poland, Lithuania and the Ukraine, the constituent parts of Old Poland. Shatzky's name was inextricably linked with that of the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research, whose American branch he cofounded.

The future historian of Warsaw Jewry was born in the Polish capital in August 1893 to Bezalel and Eide! Shatzkin, neither of whom was a Warsaw native. Shatzky's father was a Litvak from Biafystok, who was a supplier to Russian military and administrative installations in and around Warsaw. Shatzky's mother came from Berdichev in Volynia and was her husband's second wife. She kept a kosher, though not especially religious, home for her spouse and his children by her and by his first wife. Bezalel Shatzkin was a maskil interested in secular culture, to which his family was exposed in what Jacob Shatzky later recalled as ‘an aristocratic Polish neighbourhood … certainly not in a Jewish area … usually among gentiles - mostly Russian officers and bureaucrats on account of my father's livelihood …’ .

Jacob received his first formal education at a traditional Jewish heder. His first contacts with the history of Warsaw Jewry came during the funerals of great Jews, when he would accompany his father, who believed 'that a person feels life when he goes to give honour to the dead.' His son would later reflect that:

PREFACE

LUCJAN DOBROSZYCKI

Jewish elections and the work of Jewish deputies of the state, municipal, and self-governing elective bodies in the Second Polish Republic undoubtedly comprise one of the most intrinsically important chapters in Polish Jewish history. Yet there is no comprehensive study of the various kinds of elections in which Jews took part, both as citizens and as members of a distinct ethnic group, in the years 1919-39. During that period Jews were able to capture about a hundred seats in the five parliamentary elections, in addition to a much greater number of seats in the cities and towns throughout Poland. The way Jewish representatives were elected and the role they were to play in the general elective bodies differed drastically from the well-known

The following abbreviations are used in the references

pattern in the United States and most west European countries. In Poland, Jewish representatives were elected by Jews according to lists put out by Jewish political parties, organizations, and groups, with a clear mandate to serve the overall interest of the state and to defend the Jewish minority and its legal and actual rights. This, of course, was not the case for the few Polish Jews who saw themselves as Poles of Jewish descent; nor is it true to say that Jews qua Jews never voted for a non-Jew. They often did so, either because of the candidate's personality or simply in order to stop another, less desirable, non-Jew. As a rule, this was the case when a Jewish voter was confronted, on one side by a candidate from one of the antisemitic parties like the National Democrats or Christian Democrats, and on the other by a person affiliated with the Polish Socialist Party or Pilsudski's Non-party Bloc. The latter two were usually more sympathetic to the needs of the Jewish constituency.

THE GENERAL PROBLEMS OF THE JEWISH KEHILLA IN ŁÓDŹ

Introduction

Poland's second largest city and major industrial centre was home to nearly a quarter million Jews comprising a third of the city's population by 1939. Łódź was second only to Warsaw among the more than 800 kehillot in Poland. Designated by government fiat in the 1820s to become a factory town, Łódź grew explosively as it attracted immigrants from near and far within the Tsarist empire. There are few works of rigorous scholarship on the history of the Jews in a city which was both a remarkable centre of proletarian movements in a predominantly agrarian country and at one and the same time a stronghold of Jewish tradition and secular Jewish socialism. There is also a dearth of studies of the local Jewish communities in interwar Poland, when their combined budgets amounted to 40 million ztoty or more annually.

There is in Poland, Israel and the USA a wealth of materials for the study of Łódź Jewry and its kehilla. Łódź was spared Warsaw's fate as a major battlefield, which deprived us of the records of the Ministry of Religions and Education's ‘Mosaic Department’, which had supervised the kehillot throughout the country, as well as the records of the Warsaw kehilla. In contrast, the archive of the Łódź kehilla was largely preserved, along with the records of local governmental agencies which had directly supervised and dealt with the kehilla. The extensive Yiddish and Polish press of both Łódź and Warsaw are an important resource, though partisan and inherently limited. The Łódź kehilla itself published and issued numerous reports, as well as a monograph on its first cemetery and the first periodical devoted to Jewish communal affairs in Poland. Unfortunately, few of the leaders of Łódź Jewry survived to publish memoirs or be interviewed by oral historians.

Concepts and Consensus

On the eve of Poland's rebirth there was a consensus among Polish Jewish groups that some form of self-governing communal organization was needed to unite and serve all Jews. The consensus extended to introduction of a democratic franchise, although the Orthodox opposed giving women the right to vote.