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Energetic efficiency was evaluated in composite bred heifers born from dams receiving 1·8 or 1·2 kg/d winter supplementation for approximately 80 d before parturition. Heifers were then developed post-weaning and randomly assigned to heifer development treatments of either control (100 %; ad libitum; n 8/year) or restricted (80 %; fed 80 % of supplementation fed to controls adjusted to a common body weight: n 8/year) in a 2-year study. A glucose tolerance test (GTT) and acetate irreversible loss test (AILT) were administered to heifers at the termination of a 140 d development period when the heifers were approximately 403 d of age and consumed a silage-based diet, and again at 940 d of age when pregnant with their second calf and grazing dormant forage. No differences were measured (P>0·08) for dam winter nutrition or heifer development treatment for baseline serum metabolites or measures in either the GTT or the AILT. However, changes in baseline serum concentrations (P>0·05) were different between metabolic challenges, which occurred at different stages of development. No difference in acetate disappearance (P = 0·18) and half-life (P = 0·66) was measured between the two metabolic challenges. A trend for glucose half-life to be shorter in heifers born from dams receiving in utero winter treatments that supplied 1·2 kg/d of winter supplementation was observed (P = 0·083). Heifers developed with lower total DM intake during a 140 d development period had similar glucose and acetate incorporation rates as ad libitum-fed heifers when evaluated at two different production stages.
This paper examines the struggle between the legislative and judicial branches by focusing specifically on congressional influences on the behavior of federal judges. We argue that Congress may constrain individual judicial behavior by passing statutes containing detailed language. To test this thesis we borrow from the bureaucratic politics literature to introduce and test a new measure of statutory constraint. Using data from the U.S. Courts of Appeals we find that appellate court behavior is constrained significantly by statutory language, although this constraint is asymmetric across ideology. We discover substantial differences between Democratic and Republican appointees both in terms of statutory constraint and ideological voting. The data indicate judges appointed by Democratic presidents are constrained by statutory language in criminal cases. Similarly, Republican appointees are constrained by statutes in civil rights cases. Yet, neither Democrats nor Republicans are constrained in economic cases.
The idea that the public expects more from its presidents than they are able to deliver long has been a mainstay of the presidential literature. When presidential scholars ask whether the expectations gap exists, they generally provide microlevel explanations that focus on the relationships among various presidential characteristics and how these characteristics are perceived by the public. This approach makes sense if expectations are chiefly responsive to perceptions of the Presidency itself. Yet, recent research empirically identifies an expectations gap in public perceptions of Congress and the president. These studies provide a theoretical reason to believe that macrolevel political phenomena, or public perceptions of the broader governmental system, also may be determinants of the gap. These macrodeterminants might include general beliefs about the responsiveness, efficacy, and trustworthiness of government. Using two national surveys conducted in 1998 and 1999, we test three related microlevel explanations and two macrolevel explanations for the gap's existence. While we find support for microlevel explanations, importantly, we demonstrate that macrolevel phenomena such as trust in government, perceptions of political efficacy, and individual political attitudes are important determinants of presidential, incumbent, and weighted models of the expectations gap.
A new paradigm of political-bureaucratic relations emerged through the 1980s holding that U.S. democratic institutions continuously shape nonelective public bureaucracies. Several empirical studies support the paradigm with evidence suggestive of political manipulation but none reveals the scope or specific mechanisms of political control. We explore the dynamics of political control of the bureaucracy explicitly to determine the scope and mechanisms. We examine output time series from seven different public bureaucracies for responsiveness to political tools applied in the late Carter and early Reagan administrations. We find responsiveness in all seven cases. The evidence also shows that political appointments—a shared power of the president and Congress—is the most important instrument of political control; changing budgets, legislation, congressional signals, and administrative reorganizations are less important. These findings confirm intuitive assertions by institutional scholars and suggest a method of “policy monitoring” that could enhance future democratic control of the bureaucracy.
A derivation of a law of large numbers for the highest-scoring matching subsequence is given. Let Xk, Yk be i.i.d. q=(q(i))i∊S letters from a finite alphabet S and v=(v(i))i∊S be a sequence of non-negative real numbers assigned to the letters of S. Using a scoring system similar to that of the game Scrabble, the score of a word w=i1 · ·· im is defined to be V(w)=v(i1) + · ·· + v(im). Let Vn denote the value of the highest-scoring matching contiguous subsequence between X1X2 · ·· Xn and Y1Y2· ·· Yn. In this paper, we show that Vn/K log(n) → 1 a.s. where K ≡ K(q,v). The method employed here involves ‘stuttering’ the letters to construct a Markov chain and applying previous results for the length of the longest matching subsequence. An explicit form for β ∊Pr(S), where β (i) denotes the proportion of letter i found in the highest-scoring word, is given. A similar treatment for Markov chains is also included.
Implicit in these results is a large-deviation result for the additive functional, H ≡ Σn < τv(Xn), for a Markov chain stopped at the hitting time τ of some state. We give this large deviation result explicitly, for Markov chains in discrete time and in continuous time.