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This essay examines Duns Scotus’s celebrated modal argument for the existence of a first cause in the light of his most extensive discussion of modality: namely, the account of the senses of ‘potency’ in his questions on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, book IX, qq. 1–2. The author holds that it is possible to give two alternative reconstructions of Duns Scotus’s argument for the existence of a first cause depending on which of two alternative interpretations is given to the term ‘potency’. First, ‘potency’ can be taken as what is metaphysically possible. In this interpretation, the potential is co-extensive with ‘being’. Second, ‘potency’ can be taken to mean what is opposed to the actual. In this second interpretation, being in potency is a kind of non-being. The conclusion is that, contrary to what might first appear, it is the second interpretation of ‘potency’ that should be preferred if we want Duns Scotus’s argument for the existence of a first cause to work.
This article invites reflection on the ambiguity of sonic temporalities as the lines between physicality and immediacy become increasingly blurred. Through the notion that digital technologies are haunted by analogic process, I foreground the concept of Palimpsestic Listening to explore the musical qualities and critical resonances of sonic acts and objects in hybrid physical/digital systems that evoke layered temporalities that are ‘historically distinct nonetheless linked’. I also seek to illustrate the significance of engaging practically with this concept by discussing the methods behind my composition D/ta Ro} – A Dialectical Trash Heap, a sound installation that interrogates the relationship between sonic materiality and digital audio processing and how acts of erasure and time-stretching might influence the layering of disparate sound materials.
Medieval accounts of disability by and large (though not universally) defend what is now labeled the “religio-moral” construction of disability: seeing an individual's disability as a punishment for that individual's sin.1 Unsurprisingly, such models are not much in favor among contemporary disability theorists for a number of reasons, among which we might include the unacceptable thought that an individual with disabilities somehow deserves those disabilities. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) accepts some version of this theory, but one rather different from the standard one (or at least, from what is now generally understood as the religio-moral model). Aquinas sees physical impairments—things that constitute a subclass of what he labels “bodily defects”—fundamentally as punishments for original sin. He is (generally) very careful to distance his account of defects from notions of individual punishment. (When he is not, it is because of pressure from Scriptural sources—though as we shall see below he believes that by and large the Bible, too, explicitly rejects the view that disability could be a punishment for individual sin.) So whatever we think of punishment models more generally, Aquinas's certainly removes one of the least appealing aspects of such models as typically understood. And Aquinas is careful, too, to associate many features of the human condition—not just those identified as a certain subclass of defects – with corporate punishment for original sin. To this extent, his account of physical impairments tends to normalize such impairments, and to de-emphasize their distance from other features of post-lapsarian human existence. While I doubt that what Aquinas says about bodily defects would satisfy many contemporary disability theorists, it seems to me that parts of his accout—and not least this normalization strategy—may appeal to more theologically-inflected accounts of the human condition.
A number of studies have demonstrated that consuming almonds increases satiety but does not result in weight gain, despite their high energy and lipid content. To understand the mechanism of almond digestion, in the present study, we investigated the bioaccessibility of lipids from masticated almonds during in vitro simulated human digestion, and determined the associated changes in cell-wall composition and cellular microstructure. The influence of processing on lipid release was assessed by using natural raw almonds (NA) and roasted almonds (RA). Masticated samples from four healthy adults (two females, two males) were exposed to a dynamic gastric model of digestion followed by simulated duodenal digestion. Between 7·8 and 11·1 % of the total lipid was released as a result of mastication, with no significant differences between the NA and RA samples. Significant digestion occurred during the in vitro gastric phase (16·4 and 15·9 %) and the in vitro duodenal phase (32·2 and 32·7 %) for the NA and RA samples, respectively. Roasting produced a smaller average particle size distribution post-mastication; however, this was not significant in terms of lipid release. Light microscopy showed major changes that occurred in the distribution of lipid in all cells after the roasting process. Further changes were observed in the surface cells of almond fragments and in fractured cells after exposure to the duodenal environment. Almond cell walls prevented lipid release from intact cells, providing a mechanism for incomplete nutrient absorption in the gut. The composition of almond cell walls was not affected by processing or simulated digestion.
That human beings sometimes act wrongly – be it through ignorance, weakness, or malice (deliberate wrongdoing) – is a commonplace of human experience; that divine grace can help them avoid such wrongdoing is a central feature of Christian doctrine, and thus accepted by all the Christian philosophers whose work is the principal focus of this chapter. These philosophers also accepted that the possibility of weakness – sometimes, but not always, characterized as weakness of will – results from a decisive sin of the first human beings. This “original sin” introduced the kind of disorder into human psychology that is, according to the medieval philosophers, the major component of moral weakness. Grace begins, among other things, the process of reordering this defective psychology. Two very disparate figures inform the presentation of these various issues in the high Middle Ages: Augustine and Aristotle. From Augustine, the medievals derived accounts of original sin, of grace, and – most importantly of all – the beginnings of a theory of consent somehow distinct from both reason and emotion; from Aristotle, they derived an account of moral weakness that they sometimes struggled to integrate with Augustinian teachings on the will, a view of the virtues that informed their account of grace, and a theory of motion that they used to talk about God’s activity in the soul.
The false killer whale Pseudorca crassidens is currently documented from only six eastern tropical Atlantic (ETA) range states, five of which are evidenced by strandings, by-catch or skeletal remains rather than at-sea sightings and consequently provide no information on habitat or behaviour. Here we report six false killer whale records from cetacean surveys carried out off Gabon (four records) and Côte d'Ivoire (two records) between 2002 and 2012, providing the first at-sea sightings in those two existing range states. All six sightings were located in continental shelf waters (≤103 m depth) and in relatively nearshore (mean = 13.9 km) habitat. Forty-three false killer whales were photo-identified during three encounters on the Gabonese shelf; seven individuals were matched between 2002 and 2006, including two individuals that were present during all three sightings. Observations included predation of Atlantic sailfish Istiophoms albicans and two occurrences in proximity to humpback whales Megaptera novaeangliae. Whistles recorded during one sighting had simple structure, short duration and a mean fundamental frequency of 7.8 kHz. These are the first verified records of false killer whales using continental shelf waters in the ETA, indicating that the species occupies neritic habitat in the region in addition to its previously-documented oceanic habitat. The re-sightings of marked individuals between sightings and years suggest that at least some individuals exhibit a degree of site fidelity to Gabonese shelf waters. Further information on distribution, abundance, movements, population structure and mortality rates are required for effective management of the species in the ETA.
Migration has been an integral part of human activity for as long as people have inhabited the earth. Whether moving as individuals, families or tribes, migration is an age-old response to the physical need for food, shelter and security, and the psychological need for adventure and exploration. However, while migration has marked all periods of human history, the phenomenon of ‘international migration’ had to await the reordering of the geopolitical landscape as a collection of territorial States in which governments had authority over settled populations residing within defined geographic boundaries.
The Treaty of Westphalia (1648) was a critical turning point in establishing that new landscape, but for the next two centuries individuals still enjoyed substantial freedom in traversing the boundaries of the State. This reflected an attitude of hospitality to strangers that was inherited from ancient cultures and expressed through cosmopolitanism. This attitude can be seen in the scholarly works of the great writers of international law of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, who, with few exceptions, took a liberal attitude to the movement of people across borders for trade, commerce and other purposes. If law in this early period paid scant attention to regulating migration, it was partly for the practical reason that the number of people involved was modest because modes of transport were confined to land crossings by foot or horse, and sea crossings by wind-powered sailing vessels. There were some notable exceptions to this laissez-faire approach, but the circumstances in which law was invoked to regulate international migration were few.
International migration law is an important field of international law, which has attracted exceptional interest in recent years. This book has been written from a wide variety of perspectives for those wanting to understand the legal framework that regulates migration. It is intended for students new to this field of study who seek an overview of its many components. It will also appeal to those who have focussed on a particular branch of international migration law but require an understanding of how their specialisation fits with other branches of the discipline. Written by migration law specialists and led by respected international experts, this volume draws upon the combined knowledge of international migration law and policy from academia; international, intergovernmental, regional and non-governmental organisations; and national governments. Additional features include case studies, maps, break-out boxes and references to resources which allow for a full understanding of the law in context.
International migration has been a topic on the lips of policy makers for a very long time. The policy interests of States vary widely. Some seek to promote immigration to meet local labour shortages, or facilitate emigration to generate a stream of remittances and foster local development. Others take a more cautious approach because of concerns about irregular migration or national security, or because their societies historically have not welcomed foreigners. These different policy stances are reflected in a vast and complex array of national migration laws that span issues of nationality, entry, exit, deportation, detention, visa classes, status determination, migration-related crime and access to social services. These laws are generally well known within States because they are applied on a daily basis by immigration officials, consular officers, border patrols and crime investigators.
By contrast, the framework of international law governing migration is fragmented and unfamiliar. While some pockets are well recognised – refugee law being the principal example – many dimensions of the international legal framework remain unknown to all but a small coterie of specialists. Many individuals who formulate national migration laws, policies and practices, or are required to implement them, are thus unaware of the rich lode of international agreements, customary law, resolutions, recommendations and guidelines informing developments at the national level.