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We have found a class of circular radio objects in the Evolutionary Map of the Universe Pilot Survey, using the Australian Square Kilometre Array Pathfinder telescope. The objects appear in radio images as circular edge-brightened discs, about one arcmin diameter, that are unlike other objects previously reported in the literature. We explore several possible mechanisms that might cause these objects, but none seems to be a compelling explanation.
Augustus lived into his 70s but began his public career at just nineteen years of age. This is a well-known fact, but little consideration has been given to its significance. How did his age shape the representation of his actions? How did older men react to a nineteen-year-old with an army? What were their expectations, and how did their ideas influence Octavian and the development of the imagery of the later Augustan age? The paper will examine this problem with a view to identifying how age shaped the first princeps’ identity.
Keywords: Augustus, identity, life stages, memory, representation, youth
The modern conception of Augustus has been shaped by the considerable work on imagery that so often reproduces the statue of the Apollo-esque young man. The interpretation of this material and its presence within modern scholarship creates a subconscious illusion that Augustus was forever a young man – who ‘at the age of nineteen’ (Res Gestae 1) reshaped the nature of Roman history. Using sources from the High Empire, our paper sets out to locate a sense of memory of the Deified Augustus as a nineteenyear-old and those who might have influenced him in his youth, as well as suggesting that some of the most famous imagery of the Augustan Age has its origins in the late 40s and early 30s BCE. It is the interaction between Octavian and older men that is the focus of our paper: how did they react to a nineteen-year-old with an army? What were their expectations, and how did their ideas influence Octavian and the development of the imagery of the later Augustan age?
Octavian is one of the best documented youths from the ancient world. Here we examine the reactions to him at the age of nineteen to understand how ancient concepts of youth and maturity shaped the actions of men in 43 BCE and the subsequent decade. In so doing, we challenge the notion (put forward, for example, by Parkin 2010) that the division of the human life span into stages was simply a literary topos.
The current study advanced research on the link between community violence exposure and aggression by comparing the effects of violence exposure on different functions of aggression and by testing four potential (i.e., callous–unemotional traits, consideration of others, impulse control, and anxiety) mediators of this relationship. Analyses were conducted in an ethnically/racially diverse sample of 1,216 male first-time juvenile offenders (M = 15.30 years, SD = 1.29). Our results indicated that violence exposure had direct effects on both proactive and reactive aggression 18 months later. The predictive link of violence exposure to proactive aggression was no longer significant after controlling for proactive aggression at baseline and the overlap with reactive aggression. In contrast, violence exposure predicted later reactive aggression even after controlling for baseline reactive aggression and the overlap with proactive aggression. Mediation analyses of the association between violence exposure and reactive aggression indicated indirect effects through all potential mediators, but the strongest indirect effect was through impulse control. The findings help to advance knowledge on the consequences of community violence exposure on justice-involved youth.
In September ad 1, on the occasion of his birthday, Augustus wrote to Gaius, his adopted son and grandson by Julia and Agrippa, complaining about his age, stating that he had
passed the climacteric common to all old men, the sixty-fourth year. And I pray the gods that whatever time is left to me I may pass with you safe and well, with our country in a flourishing condition, while you are playing the man and preparing to succeed to my position.
Leishmaniasis develops after parasites establish themselves as amastigotes inside mammalian cells and start replicating. As relatively few parasites survive the innate immune defence, intracellular amastigotes spreading towards uninfected cells is instrumental to disease progression. Nevertheless the mechanism of Leishmania dissemination remains unclear, mostly due to the lack of a reliable model of infection spreading. Here, an in vitro model representing the dissemination of Leishmania amastigotes between human macrophages has been developed. Differentiated THP-1 macrophages were infected with GFP expressing Leishmania aethiopica and Leishmania mexicana. The percentage of infected cells was enriched via camptothecin treatment to achieve 64·1 ± 3% (L. aethiopica) and 92 ± 1·2% (L. mexicana) at 72 h, compared to 35 ± 4·2% (L. aethiopica) and 36·2 ± 2·4% (L. mexicana) in untreated population. Infected cells were co-cultured with a newly differentiated population of THP-1 macrophages. Spreading was detected after 12 h of co-culture. Live cell imaging showed inter-cellular extrusion of L. aethiopica and L. mexicana to recipient cells took place independently of host cell lysis. Establishment of secondary infection from Leishmania infected cells provided an insight into the cellular phenomena of parasite movement between human macrophages. Moreover, it supports further investigation into the molecular mechanisms of parasites spreading, which forms the basis of disease development.
Greatest of censors, prince of princes, though Rome owes you so many triumphs, so many temples coming to birth, so many reborn, so many spectacles, so many gods, so many cities.
(Mart. Ep. 6.4)
Rome held an empire in which there were cities, and the Roman governors of the West expected to view a provincial landscape in which there were cities that could be recognised as having distinctly Roman urban forms. This chapter seeks to examine how the Roman concept of the city was received and reproduced across the provinces of the former barbarian West. In the past, the excavated remains of the cities of the Roman Empire have been used to establish the spread of civilisation across the West. The straight lines of the grid-plan of the towns were equated at the turn of the twentieth century with the notion of a rational city, whether in the past, present or future. The Roman city in the West was perceived as a bringer of civilisation to the barbarians (see Chapter 5 for further discussion). This perception of the past has been adjusted, but the narrative of the Roman provinces continues to focus on the role of cities and urbanisation. The question for us in this chapter is what features of the Roman conception of urbanism were attractive to these former barbarians in the first or second century AD? Equally important is the question of whether their conception and development of urban forms in the former barbarian West (that is, the Gauls, the Germanies and in Britain) was so different from what was occurring at the same time in other more developed parts of the Mediterranean such as Italy, Spain or North Africa. This chapter will therefore explore the conception of Roman urbanism viewed from the former barbarian provinces of the West rather than from Rome or Italy (a view expressed in the opening quotation, from the late first century AD). These questions have perplexed those studying the origins of towns, particularly in Britain, and have been subject to a reworking of hypotheses and the development of new theories of urbanism.
The games in the amphitheatre, whether beast hunts or gladiatorial contests or both, have become the iconic feature of Roman culture. This is true not just in popular culture, whether in film or on television, but also in academic scholarship. Keith Hopkins did much to elucidate a vision of Roman culture that was defined by means of the gladiatorial games in the amphitheatre (fig. 10.1). However, we need to remember at the outset that at Rome there was no stone amphitheatre until 29 BC, when Statilius Taurus constructed one in the Campus Martius (later destroyed in the fire of AD 64), and it was only surpassed by the building of the Colosseum, which was opened by the Emperor Titus in AD 80 – a structure that would remain the largest amphitheatre in the Roman world. It was not in Rome that the stone-built amphitheatre was developed, but in the cities of Italy that contained veterans. We need to look first at the cities of Italy to understand the presence of the amphitheatre in the Roman city, what this new structure meant and when it was adopted as a desirable addition to the fabric of these cities. From there we will examine the rather patchy adoption of the amphitheatre in the western provinces (fig. 10.2). It will also be important to consider the amphitheatre as an expression of Romanness. Did an amphitheatre make a city more Roman? Did the new monumental form developed in the cities of Italy give a distinctively Roman character to the cities of the West that was absent in the cities of the Greek world?
The city is widely regarded as the most characteristic expression of the social, cultural and economic formations of the Roman Empire. This was especially true in the Latin-speaking West, where urbanism was much less deeply ingrained than in the Greek-speaking East but where networks of cities grew up during the centuries following conquest and occupation. This well-illustrated synthesis provides students and specialists with an overview of the development of the city in Italy, Gaul, Britain, Germany, Spain and North Africa, whether their interests lie in ancient history, Roman archaeology or the wider history of urbanism. It accounts not only for the city's geographical and temporal spread and its associated monuments (such as amphitheatres and baths), but also for its importance to the rulers of the Empire as well as the provincials and locals.
The town or city has been recognised as playing a vital role in the government of the Roman Empire. It was characteristic of the developed geography of the Roman West and was a feature that differentiated the Empire from the barbarian cultures beyond its frontiers. In this chapter we seek to outline the interplay between the city as a place of government and the city as a distinct geographical formation that was defined by means of its existence in time and space. We will begin by investigating the legal and geographical distinctions between the various types of towns, and then move on to examine the myths of town foundation that helped to define new cities and to create a sense of their past once they were established in the landscape. There follows a detailed examination of the rules of government found in the town charters: our focus will be on the charter from Urso in Spain. These charters give us a picture of the limits of government and the opportunities given to annually elected magistrates to develop their communities. The cities of the Empire were not, however, just places of politics and government. We will examine the holding of periodic markets and auctions which, quite apart from their economic functions, were a fundamental and jealously guarded legal privilege of the cities. The city also played a role as a place of justice, both locally for the community and for traders dealing with that community, and at a regional level where some cities gained status as the locations to which the provincial governor came to dispense justice. This takes the discussion of the city up to the level of the province and reveals two important roles for the city as a place from which tax was collected and from where recruits to the Roman army originated. These topics reveal the ways in which the local city was integrated into a wider vision of the Roman Empire as a territory held in common. Some cities, most notably Lyon, ancient Lugdunum, did develop as regional centres through their role as a meeting place for the worship of the deified emperors and the holding of sessions of the provincial council. We shall demonstrate that the cities of the Empire may have possessed local autonomy and a very local form of government, but could be integrated into a larger political geography at the level of the province or, more fundamentally, as part of a Roman territory that encompassed both the western and the eastern Empire.