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This paper describes a collaborative approach to professional learning that has provided an opportunity for refreshed practices and growth in capacity in schools supporting students with various learning needs in several schools that are part of the Association of Independent Schools in the Australian Capital Territory. An action research approach to professional learning for school staff was facilitated with the participating schools in 2018/2019, centred on the Nationally Consistent Collection of Data on School Students with Disability.
Diverse identities coexisting within the same society are often viewed as problematic for economic and political development. This article argues that different types of social diversity have differential effects on regime type. Specifically, ethno-linguistic diversity increases prospects for democracy while religious diversity decreases prospects for democracy. The article presents a variety of reasons why diversity might have divergent causal effects on regime type. Cross-national regressions in a variety of econometric formats – including instrumental variables – provide corroborating evidence for the argument.
Recent developments in the Arab world have shattered the feeble equilibrium that once existed. Uprisings in Egypt, Libya, Syria, and elsewhere have undermined long-established dictators and created an ever-present threat of violence in many parts of the region. In many cases, religious minorities are particularly endangered. The conflict in Syria has taken an increasingly sectarian tone in lockstep with its increasing level of violence. Conditions have become so severe that some Arab Christian observers outside Syria believe that this conflict “will likely be the final blow for Syria's embattled Christians.” Electoral victories for Islamist parties in Tunisia and Egypt (albeit a short-lived victory in the latter case) have certainly not comforted Christians and other non-Muslims in the Arab world. It seems that the birthplace of several of the world's largest faith traditions is still a hotbed of conflict between religious groups, and the outcome remains as uncertain as ever.
The growing uncertainty in the region – particularly for religious minorities – creates a vital need for understanding the social forces that shape relations between the faiths in these countries. If the Arab Spring revolutions were to bring about a more “popular” form of government, in contrast to the dictatorships that preceded them, then it is crucial to examine what popular demands might be. Popular rule does not necessarily mean tolerance. As Tocqueville famously warned, rule by the majority can result in highly unequal treatment of minority groups. There is thus no logical necessity that elections, however free and fair, will lead to improved conditions for non-Muslims in the Arab world; in fact, many observers have predicted just the opposite.
This chapter remedies some of the uncertainty regarding Arab attitudes toward religious minorities and religious freedom. Using recent original data from the Arab Barometer, it examines the attitudes of Arab citizens toward religious minorities through a number of different religious and political lenses. Furthermore, it considers the origins of these attitudes. Views about non-Muslims (and political policies relevant to them) were collected in ten Arab societies, providing valuable insight into the minds of everyday citizens in this important part of the world. In order to understand the plight of Christians and other religious minorities in the Arab world, we must consider the beliefs and attitudes of the Muslim citizens who make up the majority of the population in these countries.
Voters and political candidates increasingly use social networking sites (SNSs) such as Facebook. This study uses data from an online posttest-only experiment (N = 183) in analyzing how exposure to supportive or challenging user comments on a fictional candidate's Facebook page influenced participants’ perceptions of and willingness to vote for the candidate, as well as whether candidate replies to each type of user comments affected these outcomes. Participants who viewed a page with supportive comments and “likes” reported more favorable perceptions of and greater support for the candidate, relative to participants who viewed a page with challenging comments. Thus, the appearance of interactivity between a candidate and other users on the candidate's Facebook page can shape the responses of those viewing the page. However, exposure to candidate replies to either supportive or challenging comments did not lead to significantly more favorable perceptions or a greater likelihood of voting for the candidate.
Did religion promote or discourage participation in protest against authoritarian regimes during the Arab Spring? Using unique data collected in Tunisia and Egypt soon after the fall of their respective regimes, we examine how various dimensions of religiosity were associated with higher or lower levels of protest during these important events. Using these original new data, we reach a novel conclusion: Qur’an reading, not mosque attendance, is robustly associated with a considerable increase in the likelihood of participating in protest. Furthermore, this relationship is not simply a function of support for political Islam. Evidence suggests that motivation mechanisms rather than political resources are the reason behind this result. Qur’an readers are more sensitive to inequities and more supportive of democracy than are nonreaders. These findings suggest a powerful new set of mechanisms by which religion may, in fact, help to structure political protest more generally.
Ediacara-type fossils are found in a diverse array of preservational styles, implying that multiple taphonomic mechanisms might have been responsible for their preservational expression. For many Ediacara fossils, the “death mask” model has been invoked as the primary taphonomic pathway. The key to this preservational regime is the replication or sealing of sediments around the degrading organisms by microbially induced precipitation of authigenic pyrite, leading toward fossil preservation along bedding planes. Nama-style preservation, on the other hand, captures Ediacaran organisms as molds and three-dimensional casts within coarse-grained mass flow beds, and has been previously regarded as showing little or no evidence of a microbial preservational influence. To further understand these two seemingly distinct taphonomic pathways, we investigated the three-dimensionally preserved Ediacaran fossil Pteridinium simplex from mass flow deposits of the upper Kliphoek Member, Dabis Formation, Kuibis Subgroup, southern Namibia. Our analysis, using a combination of petrographic and micro-analytical methods, shows that Pteridinium simplex vanes are replicated with minor pyrite, but are most often represented by open voids that can be filled with secondary carbonate material; clay minerals are also found in association with the vanes, but their origin remains unresolved. The scarcity of pyrite and the development of voids are likely related to oxidative weathering and it is possible that microbial activities and authigenic pyrite may have contributed to the preservation of Pteridinium simplex; however, any microbes growing on P. simplex vanes within mass flow deposits were unlikely to have formed thick mats as envisioned in the death mask model. Differential weathering of replicating minerals and precipitation of secondary minerals greatly facilitate fossil collection and morphological characterization by allowing Pteridinium simplex vanes to be parted from the massive hosting sandstone.
Si James Surget n'a pas influencé le cours de l'histoire, il a produit cependant une forte impression sur un homme, Washington Ford, qui avait engagé une action en justice contre lui en 1866. Motif: la destruction de 200 balles de coton.
En mai 1862, W. Ford était propriétaire d'une plantation dans l'Etat du Mississippi, Etat qui était alors en rébellion contre le gouvernement des Etats-Unis. Le commandant local des forces rebelles avait donné ordre à ses troupes de brûller, le long du fleuve Mississippi, tout le coton dont l'armée des Etats-Unis pouvait s'emparer facilement. James Surget était impliqué dans la destruction du coton de Washington Ford et ce dernier l'avait cité en justice afin d'obtenir réparation financière.