Research on gender and politics is becoming increasingly mainstreamed within political science. To document this process, we introduce a comprehensive dataset of articles published in 37 political science journals through 2019 that can be considered “gender and politics” research. Whereas recent related literature has explored the descriptive representation of women in political science by examining authorship and citation patterns, we argue that the identification of publications substantively focused on gender and politics not only illuminates trends but also can contribute to broader conversations about substantive representation and methodological diversity in the discipline. This article highlights the theoretical challenges of identifying gender and politics research and analyzes major trends in the substantive representation of gender in the journals over time. This dataset is useful for scholars who are interested in the evolution of salient topics in gender and politics research and patterns of citation.

Adults who had non-edematous severe acute malnutrition (SAM) during infancy (i.e., marasmus) have worse glucose tolerance and beta-cell function than survivors of edematous SAM (i.e., kwashiorkor). We hypothesized that wasting and/or stunting in SAM is associated with lower glucose disposal rate (M) and insulin clearance (MCR) in adulthood.

We recruited 40 nondiabetic adult SAM survivors (20 marasmus survivors (MS) and 20 kwashiorkor survivors (KS)) and 13 matched community controls. We performed 150-minute hyperinsulinaemic, euglycaemic clamps to estimate M and MCR. We also measured serum adiponectin, anthropometry, and body composition. Data on wasting (weight-for-height) and stunting (height-for-age) were abstracted from the hospital records.

Children with marasmus had lower weight-for-height z-scores (WHZ) (−3.8 ± 0.9 vs. −2.2 ± 1.4; P < 0.001) and lower height-for-age z-scores (HAZ) (−4.6 ± 1.1 vs. −3.4 ± 1.5; P = 0.0092) than those with kwashiorkor. As adults, mean age (SD) of participants was 27.2 (8.1) years; BMI was 23.6 (5.0) kg/m2. SAM survivors and controls had similar body composition. MS and KS and controls had similar M (9.1 ± 3.2; 8.7 ± 4.6; 6.9 ± 2.5 mg.kg−1.min−1 respectively; P = 0.3) and MCR. WHZ and HAZ were not associated with M, MCR or adiponectin even after adjusting for body composition.

Wasting and stunting during infancy are not associated with insulin sensitivity and insulin clearance in lean, young, adult survivors of SAM. These data are consistent with the finding that glucose intolerance in malnutrition survivors is mostly due to beta-cell dysfunction.

Electroencephalographic (EEG) abnormalities are greater in mild cognitive impairment (MCI) with Lewy bodies (MCI-LB) than in MCI due to Alzheimer’s disease (MCI-AD) and may anticipate the onset of dementia. We aimed to assess whether quantitative EEG (qEEG) slowing would predict a higher annual hazard of dementia in MCI across these etiologies. MCI patients (n = 92) and healthy comparators (n = 31) provided qEEG recording and underwent longitudinal clinical and cognitive follow-up. Associations between qEEG slowing, measured by increased theta/alpha ratio, and clinical progression from MCI to dementia were estimated with a multistate transition model to account for death as a competing risk, while controlling for age, cognitive function, and etiology classified by an expert consensus panel.

Over a mean follow-up of 1.5 years (SD = 0.5), 14 cases of incident dementia and 5 deaths were observed. Increased theta/alpha ratio on qEEG was associated with increased annual hazard of dementia (hazard ratio = 1.84, 95% CI: 1.01–3.35). This extends previous findings that MCI-LB features early functional changes, showing that qEEG slowing may anticipate the onset of dementia in prospectively identified MCI.

Michael Zürn's Theory of Global Governance is an original, bold, and compelling argument regarding the causes of change in global governance. A core argument is that legitimation problems trigger changes in global governance. This contribution addresses two core features of the argument. Although I am persuaded that legitimacy matters, there are times when: legitimacy appears to be given too much credit to the relative neglect of other factors; other times when the lack of legitimacy has little discernible impact on the working of global governance; and unanswered questions about how the legitimacy of global governance relates to the legitimacy of the international order of which it is a part. The second feature is what counts as change in global governance. Zürn reduces change to either deepening or decline, overlooking the possible how of global governance. In contrast to Zürn's map of global governance that is dominated by hierarchies in the form of international organizations, an alternative map locates multiple modes of governance: hierarchies, markets, and networks. The kinds of legitimation problems that Zürn identifies, I argue, can help explain some of the movement from hierarchical to other modes of global governance.

This essay uses COVID-19 to illuminate the sacrificial practices of the liberal international order as woven through the concepts of humanitarian governance, moral economy, triage, and sacrifice. The concept of a sacrificial international order calls attention to how all international orders have their share of sacrifices—and this includes liberal international orders. International orders can be distinguished by the selection mechanisms used to identify the sacrifices and the meanings attached to them. I call attention to how liberal international orders often rely on markets as a selection mechanism and interpret these deaths as part of progress. Following critical contributions to the study of neoliberalism that show how markets shape the ethics of “giving life” and “letting die,” I illuminate these processes through four concepts: humanitarian governance and the claim that the highest moral principle is saving lives and relieving suffering; moral economy that regulates who has access to basic subsistence goods during periods of crisis; triage, which considers how to prioritize whose lives are valued; and whether all deaths count as sacrifices or whether they are better understood as “those who can be killed.” I conclude by discussing how COVID-19 conjures hierarchies of humanity ignored by the liberal international order and challenges the discipline to consider the sacrifices in world order.