We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
In their seminal work on Judicial Policy Making and the Modern State, Feeley and Rubin (1998) demonstrate how trial courts have been very successful as policy-makers in reforming prison conditions. As a result, court rulings and their implementation have become instrumental in introducing significant changes into US correctional institutions.
In 1994 an unusual case of administrative detention came before the Israeli Supreme Court. During the preceding forty-six years the Court had reviewed dozens of detention orders. What made this case different from all others was the fact that the only legal ground for holding nine of the ten petitioners, all of them citizens of Lebanon, was that they were being used as “bargaining chips” for the release of an Israeli pilot, Ron Arad, believed to be held as a prisoner by a terrorist organization based on Lebanese soil. In 1997, the Court handed down its decision. Two justices who formed the majority of the panel decided that holding the prisoners for such purposes falls under the definition of “state security,” whereas the minority justice ruled that there are no grounds for such detentions if the detained prisoners pose no danger to state security. Three years later, in April 2000, the Court, sitting in an enlarged panel of nine justices (including the three justices who heard the 1997 petition), reversed its decision and ruled that the state has no right to hold the prisoners as a bargaining tool for the release of a captive Israeli soldier. The fifty pages of the Court's opinion bring to light the dilemmas faced by a democratic society wishing to secure bearable standards of human rights and dignity of persons, on the one hand, and at the same time fight terrorist organizations that abide only by their own internal operating rules.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.