Ethnoarchaeological data from contemporary Wanka villages in the Mantaro Valley of the Peruvian Andes provide new perspectives on the use and discard of ceramic cooking vessels. We present a regional survey of ceramic vessel use and discard with household consumption as the focus of study. A mathematical model determines vessel uselife from the age distribution of in-use vessels. We examine the number of vessels per household, their volume, their uselife, and their reported discard. A typical Wanka household cooking vessel assemblage consists of four or five ollas, two large ollas, one chata, and one tostadera. As family members are added to a household, the number of household ollas slightly increases, as does olla volume and the overall rate of olla discard. Large families have fewer chatas, and the rate of chata discard is uncorrelated with household size. Large and small families alike have only one tostadera, but in large families, a shortened tostadera uselife increases their discard rate. Distributing the same population into small or large households will result in significantly different rates of total sherd accumulation. Bulk sherd accumulation is a better indicator of the number of households rather than of the total number of persons. Household size can be estimated from the relative proportions of discarded ollas, chatas, and tostaderas.

Specialization encompasses many ways to organize craft production, ranging from small, household-based work units to large workshops. Distinctive types of specialization develop in response to various social, economic, and environmental factors, including the demand for crafts, the social relations of producers, and the support base for artisans. These factors in turn influence manufacturing technology. Thus, different types of specialization can be characterized by a “technological profile,” which reflects relative labor investment, skill, and standardization. An analysis of Prehispanic ceramic technology in the central sierra of Peru demonstrates how these technological profiles can be used to identify the ways ceramic production was organized to provision consumers with utilitarian and luxury pottery. As we demonstrate in our analysis of pottery recovered in the Yanamarca Valley, utilitarian Wanka-style cookwares and storage jars were produced by independent household-based artisans, while imperial Inka-style jars were produced by locally recruited corvee labor working for the state.

Prehistoric ceramic containers were tools used in culinary and ceremonial activity. The archaeological record preserves fragmentary remains of these ceramic tools, challenging the archaeologist to interpret their use and function from potsherds rather than from whole pots. We introduce the two-curvature method for reconstructing ceramic vessel shape and volume from assemblages of potsherds. Each point on a ceramic vessel or sherd has two dimensions of curvature, profile and axial. Profile curvature is sensitive to vessel shape, and axial curvature is sensitive to vessel diameter. Since vessel curvature and sherd curvature are the same, measuring profile and axial curvatures of potsherds provides information on parent-vessel shape and size. The two-curvature method is tested with replicated vessels, and its accuracy for measuring vessel parameters from sherd curvatures is assessed. Vessel parameters are estimated accurately from average-sherd-curvature measurements. Data gathered by using this method, on an archaeological assemblage of Kumeyaay ceramics from southern California, show that Kumeyaay pottery consists of 85–90 percent open-mouth hemispherical bowls and 10–15 percent closed-mouth spherical ollas. Through time, Kumeyaay vessel volume increased while vessel shape remained consistent.