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Community stakeholders often participate in community research training curricula development. There is limited information describing how their input informs curricula. This paper describes input solicitation methods, input received, and examples of its integration.
Methods
From June 2014 to June 2016, community members (CMs) and community-based organizations (CBOs) guided curricula development tailored for CMs and CBOs, respectively. Engagement methods included a strategic planning retreat, surveys, a listening session, workgroup meetings, and community engagement studios. Descriptive statistics were used to summarize survey input. For other methods, input was extracted and compiled from facilitator notes.
Results
CMs (n=37) and CBOs (n=83) providing input included patients and caregivers and advocacy, community service, and faith-based organizations, respectively. The major feedback categories were training topic priorities, format (e.g., face-to-face vs. online), logistics (e.g., training frequency), and compensation (e.g., appropriateness). Input directly guided design of CBO and CM curricula (e.g., additional time devoted to specific topics based on feedback) or helped to finalize logistics.
Conclusions
Multiple quantitative and qualitative methods can be used to elicit input from community stakeholders to inform the development of community research training curricula. This input is essential for the development of training curricula that are culturally relevant and acceptable.
The United States is a dangerous place to live for racial/ethnic minority citizens. Research on this topic tends to deal primarily with the group with the highest level of violent activity, African Americans. However, recent research suggests that interpersonal violence represents a serious morbidity and mortality concern for other disadvantaged groups as well (Levine and Rosich, 1996). For instance, Martinez (1996) shows that urban Latinos have homicide rates that are considerably higher than the national average. Moreover, Yung and Hammond (1994) show that Native Americans also have violence rates that exceed their European counterparts. Typically, efforts to explain these higher levels of violence direct attention to group attributes or emphasize the social environment in which the group resides. While these approaches have generated some important findings, they are plagued by narrow conceptions of race and racial inequality and, thus, are limited in addressing disparate group patterns of violence.
In this chapter, we attempt to facilitate the reconceptualization process by first critically examining existing research and highlighting conceptual inadequacies. We then draw from stratification research and its explicit discussion of inequality and group outcomes to illustrate that the “effects” of race on violence are linked to very tangible macro-structural, normative, and interactional dynamics; ones sensitive to the local and historical dynamics associated with the social environment in which African Americans, and most race/ethnic minorities, tend to reside.
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