Elizabeth A. R. Brown provides below a list of Anne's children, based on Patrick Van Kerrebrouck, Les Valois (pp. 157–9, 166–7).

With Charles VIII (30 June 1470–7 April 1498)

1. Charles-Orland, dauphin of Viennois (10 Oct. 1492–16 Dec. 1495), buried at Saint-Martin of Tours.

2. Unnamed (Aug. 1493), buried at Notre-Dame of Cléry.

3. Unnamed (March 1495).

4. Charles, dauphin of Viennois (8 Sept. 1496–2 Oct. 1496), buried at Saint-Martin of Tours.

5. François, dauphin of Viennois (1497), buried at Saint-Martin of Tours.

6. Anne (20 March 1498), buried at Saint-Martin of Tours.

With Louis XII (27 June 1462–1 Jan. 1515)

1. Claude, duchess of Brittany, countess of Blois (13 Oct. 1499–20 July 1524), married 18 May 1514 to François, duke of Valois and Milan, count of Angoulême, the future François Ier (12 Sept. 1494–31 March 1547), crowned queen of France 10 May 1517, buried at Saint-Denis.

2. Unnamed (21 Jan. 1503), perhaps buried at Blois.

3. Renée, duchess of Chartres, countess of Gisors (25 Oct. 1510–12 June 1575), married 10 Feb. 1528 to Hercule of Este, duke of Ferrara (4 April 1508–3 Oct. 1560); buried at Montargis.

4. Unnamed (Jan. 1512), perhaps buried at Blois.

The subject of this article is the emphasis placed upon doctrine by the Parisian publisher Anthoine Vérard in the 1497 edition of Christine de Pizan's Trésor de la cité des dames [Treasury of the City of Ladies] that he dedicated to Anne de Bretagne. This emphasis is noticeable both at the beginning of the text and in the dedication miniature heading that text. I am interested in the ways in which Vérard reframes Christine's original use of doctrine in order to promote his own commercial success. The reigning expert on Vérard, Mary Beth Winn, observes that with over 280 editions to his credit, his record of productivity is an enviable achievement for any publisher of his time or ours. By 1497, the book trade had already made Vérard a wealthy man. I argue that through his manipulation of the term and the visual representation of doctrine, Vérard positions himself as intermediary between Christine and Anne. In so doing, he establishes himself as a propagator of Christian doctrine to the French monarchy, headed at this time by King Charles VIII and his wife Anne, ‘royne de France tres chrestienne’ [most Christian queen of France], as the publisher calls her in his dedication. While displacing Christine's authority, Vérard also collaborates with it, precisely by continuing her efforts to establish a solid basis for the ‘most Christian’ monarchy in the enduring virtue of its ladies. The publisher would be encouraging Anne to reform herself and her court according to the doctrine, that is to say, teaching, provided to her by himself, by her confessors, and by former advisors to royalty such as Christine de Pizan (c.1364–c.1430) and Jean Gerson (1364–1429). Acclaimed as the ‘doctor christianissimus’ [most Christian doctor], Gerson was the Parisian theologian and preacher who had joined forces with Christine in censuring the Roman de la Rose (hereafter Rose). I contend that several generations later, Vérard forged his own intellectual alliance with Christine, and that this alliance played a large part in assuring his commercial success.

Doctrine in Vérard's Trésor de la cité des dames

The Trésor de la cité des dames (hereafter Trésor) is Vérard's version of the text that Christine had called Le Livre des Trois Vertus [The Book of the Three Virtues].

My chapter takes up where Mishtooni Bose's leaves off, with a consideration of Jean Gerson's vernacular poetry. You have an example inscribed above in a quatrain of Gerson's own invention, with which he opens his sevenhour- long 1403 Good Friday sermon. Although the bulk of Gerson's corpus is in Latin, he did write two volumes’ worth of tracts, sermons, and poems in French, forming a hefty corpus had he written nothing else. The texts of Gerson's contemporary Christine de Pizan are exclusively in the vernacular. Although not as prolific a writer as Gerson, Christine's productions nonetheless constitute a weighty stack, numbering some forty texts in a variety of genres – lyric poetry, biography, mirrors for princes and princesses, and more topical political tracts. Although Gerson's Latin works far outnumber his French ones, the fact that he would use a quatrain he had composed himself to structure and animate arguably the most popular of his many sermons is a trustworthy indicator of his high regard for the potential uses of vernacular poetry.

In this chapter I develop further the notion, as explained by Bose, that Gerson distinguishes carmen from poema, suggesting that the former can be equated with the song of an elevated and culturally sanctioned kind (the Psalms being the model), whereas the latter is the more general term for fictive discourse, and is less positively regarded. I argue that both Gerson and Christine attempt to raise their vernacular poetry to the level that Gerson prescribes for Latin carmina. Specifically, I relate Christine's poems which have the Psalms as model to those composed by Gerson. I claim as well that Gerson's French poetry played a central role in realizing two of his lifelong aims: healing divisions within France, and promoting the country, with himself as its chief mouthpiece, as the spokesperson for a united Christianity.