Despite its increasingly repressive institutions, Liberia enjoyed rapid economic growth in the 1950s and 1960s. This was due in large part to the expansion of exports produced by foreign companies granted generous concessions by the Liberian government. The first major concession was in 1926 to the Firestone Rubber Company. Rubber exports were the main source of economic growth in the 1930s. This was followed after 1945 with numerous concessions in mining, forestry, and agriculture. This chapter compares Liberia’s economic history during this period with that of Mexico under the presidency of Porfirio Diaz (1876–1911), which also grew rapidly through the attraction of foreign capital. While research on institutions and economic development has often stressed the importance of limited government, periods of economic growth haven often occurred under authoritarian governments through various means to create substitutes for limited government. Histories of Porfirio Diaz’s government have argued that a system of elite coordination and rent-seeking made contracts with foreign companies credible even in the absence of representative institutions. Ultimately, however, this system fractured with the beginning of the Mexican civil war. This chapter argues that a similar system operated in Liberia, and that the inability of the elite to integrate new members resulted in the overthrow of the Americo-Liberian regime in 1980 and, ultimately, the beginning Liberia’s devastating civil wars.

Shortly after the declaration of independence, the Liberian government established the Liberian dollar as its national currency. According to President Joseph J. Roberts, it was intended to both promote commerce and demonstrate the sovereignty of the Liberian state. The first coins were minted in England, with the financial backing of a British banker and abolitionist, as the Liberian state did not then have the means to fund their minting itself. These token coins were later supplemented with paper money printed in Monrovia. The Liberian dollar was an unbacked paper currency. It was initially valued at par with the US dollar but quickly depreciated as the Liberian government turned to the printing press during repeated fiscal crises in the decades after 1847. This chapter chronicles the Liberian government’s efforts to sustain the value of its currency, the adoption by the turn of the century of British sterling as the primary medium of exchange, followed by the replacement of British currency by the US dollar in 1943. The case of Liberia illustrates that formal monetary sovereignty may have little significance for governments lacking the resources and capacity to sustain the value of their currency, which may force them to adopt others to sustain their trade and public finances.

During the second half of the twentieth century, the collapse of European Empires increased the number of sovereign states. At the same time, higher taxation and more aggressive regulations by governments of wealthy countries left companies and wealthy individuals seeking offshore homes for capital. In 1948, the Liberian government passed legislation to bring it into this market for offshore services, creating a new channel by which to monetize its sovereignty. The three laws passed in that year established the Liberian shipping registry and created loose corporation and tax laws intending to attract foreign investment. This chapter examines the success of the Liberian shipping registry, which by the 1960s was the largest in the world in terms of tonnage and remained one of the largest in the world even through the collapse of the Liberian state during the civil wars. It contrasts this with the failure of Liberia’s efforts to become a tax haven. This contrast allows for a broader exploration of the "market" for sovereignty and its limits since the middle of the twentieth century. It shows that while, in theory, any state with formal recognition might try to attract capital by committing to lower levels of regulation, this commitment alone is not enough to generate investment and economic development.

This concluding chapter begins with comparisons between Liberia and Ghana made on the occasion of Ghana’s independence in 1957. It then uses Liberia’s economic history to reassess conclusions about the impact of formal and informal colonialism on economic development, and draws out lessons from Liberia’s history for our understanding of postindependence developments in the rest of Africa.

Formal recognition of Liberia’s sovereignty offered the government the opportunity to borrow on international markets that were growing rapidly during the second half of the nineteenth century. However, like other independent countries, Liberia would often find the terms on which it was able to borrow excessively costly, particularly as compared with colonized countries – a gap described in literature on sovereign debt as the "empire effect." Literature on the "empire effect" has thus far neglected any region of Africa outside of South Africa. This chapter focuses on Liberia’s efforts to borrow, beginning with the first loan the government raised in London in 1871. The terms of this loan were such that the government had little choice but to go into default. After renegotiating with its creditors, the Liberian government tried to return to the market but could only do so under what are described in the literature on sovereign debt as “supersanctions,” or infringements on the sovereignty of the borrowing country as a condition of borrowing. Literature on supersanctions has speculated that they replicated formal colonial rule. By comparing Liberia’s experience to that of British colonies in West Africa, this chapter shows that this was not the case: despite supersanctions which eventually extended the reach of foreign officials to include control over Liberia’s finances and its military, investors overseas never regarded Liberia as a sound investment.

Liberia’s declaration of independence in 1847 was motivated in part by the Liberian government’s dependence on revenue from trade. Previous histories of Liberia have argued that there was a dramatic shift from protectionist policies in the nineteenth century to a policy of "open door" from the interwar period onward. This conclusion was based on the restriction of foreign trade to specific ports through so-called ports of entry laws dating back to the 1830s, and not abolished until 1931. There were also active debates among the Liberian elite about how protectionist Liberia should be in contemporary political discourse. This chapter uses new data on Liberian tariff rates to compare its trade policy to that of countries in Latin America and Asia. It finds that Liberia’s tariffs were somewhere between the protectionism of Latin America and the free trade policies of Asia, but closer to the latter. Despite rhetoric about the "closed door," trade was too important to the incomes of Liberian elites to restrict it.

While supersanctions may not have improved the terms of Liberia’s loans very much, they did have unanticipated impacts on the structure of domestic political institutions. This chapter examines these effects, and in doing so offers a new interpretation of one of the more infamous phases in Liberia’s economic history: the 1930 League of Nations investigation into forced labor, when an investigative commission established by the League found that Liberian government officials had engaged in the use and export of forced labor. Over the first decades of the twentieth century, foreign financial controls imposed on the Liberian government as a condition of borrowing expanded from control over customs revenue to include nearly all sources of cash revenue by 1927. This chapter documents the Liberian government’s efforts to develop alternative sources of revenue with which to pay an expanded administrative establishment during repeated periods of fiscal crisis, and their ultimate turn toward a decentralized system of in-kind taxation in the form of forced labor and seizures of goods. These practices led to both domestic political upheaval and international isolation, and the threat of a League of Nations mandate over Liberia. This chapter contributes to a growing understanding of the contributions of forced labor to African government budgets in this period, as well as to work on the impacts of supersanctions on domestic institutions.

This chapter builds on the discussion of migration and trade from the previous chapter. It brings together for the first time a comprehensive dataset of individual-level data on the freed slaves from the United States who migrated to Liberia, and compares the migrants to other African-American communities in the nineteenth century. Options for moving out of the US south were limited even for freeborn African Americans during the decades before the Great Migration of the interwar period. Many sought locations outside the legal jurisdiction of the United States, migrating overseas to places like Haiti or Liberia or overland to what was then Indian Territory or Mexico. This chapter shows the changing composition of the migrants in terms of education and skill level over time, and illustrates how this contributed to economic inequalities and political cleavages within the Americo-Liberian community.

This chapter presents the first annual estimates of Liberia’s economic performance based on archival data since its declaration of independence in 1847 until 2000. A lack of easily accessible data has been one of the main reasons why Liberia has appeared so infrequently in comparative work in African economic history. The collection of data was a central component of imperial governance, and historians have relied on the legacy of those efforts; independent states had both different incentives and, often, lower capacity. However, this chapter shows that it is possible to reconstruct through qualitative records annual estimates of trade and government finances dating back to Liberia’s foundation. These estimates then form the foundation for the first series of historical national accounts which can be used to compare Liberia to other countries. They show the Liberian economy during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when many other African economies were growing. A period of rapid economic growth began during the 1930s, which continued for much of the next half century before a catastrophic reversal from 1980. This chapter sets the stage for the more thematic chapters to follow.