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Politics in the United States has become more polarized in recent decades as both political elites and everyday citizens have been divided into rival and mutually antagonistic partisan camps. Increasingly, these rival camps question the political legitimacy and democratic commitments of the other side. Such polarization or “teamsmanship” can have a number of important political consequences: it can drive actors further apart, intensify political conflict, impede negotiation and compromise, and block the construction of bipartisan legislative and policymaking coalitions. Since polarization makes it difficult, if not impossible, to find common political ground, it can prevent democratic institutions from making important policy choices and responding to the critical issues of the day. Polarization, in short, can easily lead to democratic gridlock, paralysis, the decay of rights, and, in the extreme, violent conflict, as the Trump administration’s waning weeks so vividly demonstrated.
Politics in the United States has become increasingly polarized in recent decades. Both political elites and everyday citizens are divided into rival and mutually antagonistic partisan camps, with each camp questioning the political legitimacy and democratic commitments of the other side. Does this polarization pose threats to democracy itself? What can make some democratic institutions resilient in the face of such challenges? Democratic Resilience brings together a distinguished group of specialists to examine how polarization affects the performance of institutional checks and balances as well as the political behavior of voters, civil society actors, and political elites. The volume bridges the conventional divide between institutional and behavioral approaches to the study of American politics and incorporates historical and comparative insights to explain the nature of contemporary challenges to democracy. It also breaks new ground to identify the institutional and societal sources of democratic resilience.
Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.
We introduce a novel composite holey gold support that prevents cryo-crinkling and reduces beam-induced motion of soft specimens, building on the previously introduced all-gold support. The composite holey gold support for high-resolution cryogenic electron microscopy of soft crystalline membranes was fabricated in two steps. In the first step, a holey gold film was transferred on top of a molybdenum grid. In the second step, a continuous thin carbon film was transferred onto the holey gold film. This support (Au/Mo grid) was used to image crystalline synthetic polymer membranes. The low thermal expansion of Mo is not only expected to avoid cryo-crinkling of the membrane when the grids are cooled to cryogenic temperatures, but it may also act to reduce whatever crinkling existed even before cooling. The Au/Mo grid exhibits excellent performance with specimens tilted to 45°. This is demonstrated by quantifying beam-induced motion and differences in local defocus values. In addition, images of specimens on the Au/Mo grids that are tilted at 45° show high-resolution information of the crystalline membranes that, after lattice-unbending, extends beyond 1.5 Å in the direction perpendicular to the tilt axis.
Most epidemiological studies show a decrease of internalizing disorders at older ages, but it is unclear how the prevalence exactly changes with age, and whether there are different patterns for internalizing symptoms and traits, and for men and women. This study investigates the impact of age and sex on the point prevalence across different mood and anxiety disorders, internalizing symptoms, and neuroticism.
We used cross-sectional data on 146 315 subjects, aged 18–80 years, from the Lifelines Cohort Study, a Dutch general population sample. Between 2012 and 2016, five current internalizing disorders – major depression, dysthymia, generalized anxiety disorder, social phobia, and panic disorder – were assessed according to DSM-IV criteria. Depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, neuroticism, and negative affect (NA) were also measured. Generalized additive models were used to identify nonlinear patterns across age, and to investigate sex differences.
The point prevalence of internalizing disorders generally increased between the ages of 18 and 30 years, stabilized between 30 and 50, and decreased after age 50. The patterns of internalizing symptoms and traits were different. NA and neuroticism gradually decreased after age 18. Women reported more internalizing disorders than men, but the relative difference remained stable across age (relative risk ~1.7).
The point prevalence of internalizing disorders was typically highest between age 30 and 50, but there were differences between the disorders, which could indicate differences in etiology. The relative gap between the sexes remained similar across age, suggesting that changes in sex hormones around the menopause do not significantly influence women's risk of internalizing disorders.
Although Latin America’s inclusionary turn produced tangible benefits for lower-income citizens, these benefits remained partial and politically contingent. The new inclusion extended recognition, access, and resources to social sectors left behind or excluded from the historical process of labor incorporation, but it was noted more for its breadth than its depth, for pluralist as opposed to corporatist modes of interest representation, and for organizational diffuseness rather than density. These traits help explain why the new inclusionary turn was associated with an “easy stage” of redistributive politics in which politically innocuous, low-cost cash transfers could be made to large numbers of weakly or non-organized popular constituencies. They also help explain why the region struggled to advance toward a “higher stage” of redistributive politics requiring more expensive and politically contentious investments in public services and institutional reforms