WideStrike® Acala cotton is a two-gene, in-plant trait that provides broad-spectrum and season-long control of lepidopteran insect pests, and the varieties available in California also have resistance to glyphosate. There have been indications that WideStrike cotton has some glufosinate tolerance as well, so the level of tolerance to glufosinate needed to be ascertained. A 2-yr (2008 and 2009) study was conducted in California to evaluate the potential crop injury caused by three different rates (0.59, 0.88, and 1.76 kg ai ha−1) of glufosinate–ammonium at four different growth stages (cotyledon, 2-node, 5- to 6-node, and 18- to 19-node stages) of WideStrike Acala cotton. The effects of these treatments on the cotton plants and yield were closely monitored. Glyphosate at 1.54 kg ae ha−1 was applied at all cotton growth stages as a standard application, and a nontreated control was included. The greatest level of injury (58%) was observed with the highest rate of glufosinate applied at both the cotyledon and the two-node stage of cotton. However, injury was less than 10% following glufosinate at 0.59 kg ha−1 applied at the 18- to 19-node stage. The level of injury increased with the higher application rate of glufosinate at all crop growth stages. In 2008 and 2009, the glufosinate treatments had no effect on cotton lint yield. Therefore, the study showed that glufosinate can be applied safely topically at 0.59 kg ha−1 at the cotyledon- to 2-node stage or as POST-directed spray between the 5- to 19-node stages. Although injury occurred at this rate, the plants recovered within 2 to 3 wk of the treatment. Increasing glufosinate rates beyond 0.59 kg ha−1 can increase the possibility of greater crop injury.

This paper explores social customs of cooking and dining as farming emerged in the earliest villages of Palestine and Jordan (12,650–6850 cal BC). The approach is a spatial analysis of in situ hearths, pits, bins, benches, platforms, activity areas, caches, and ground stone artefacts. Mortars, pestles, and bowls first appear in significant numbers in base camps of semi-sedentary Natufian hunter-gatherers. Elaborate and decorated, these artefacts imply a newly formal social etiquette of food-sharing. They were used within houses, near hearths, and in outdoor areas. The earliest farmers of the Khiamian and Pre-Pottery Neolithic A used simple, mostly undecorated, ground stone tools. One-room houses were often fitted with a hearth and a small mortar in the centre, features that also occur in outdoor areas. In the Early and Middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic B, firepits, milling stations, and storage features were placed on porches and outdoor areas near house doors. These areas formed a transition zone between house and community, where food preparation provided opportunities for social contacts. The most private rooms in houses were supplied with benches, platforms, and decorated hearths, and probably sheltered household meals. In the Late PPNB, when some villages grew to unprecedented sizes, storage, and cooking facilities were placed in constricted, private spaces comparatively hidden from community view. Numerous milling tools and multiple milling stations in individual houses suggest intensification of production of prepared foods. It is argued that adult women bore the brunt of the increased labour and that these activities placed them under new restrictions of daily activity and visibility in relation to village communities.

Ground-stone tools and hunter-gatherer subsistence in late Pleistocene southwest Asia are examined in light of ethnographic and experimental data on processing methods essential for consumption of various plant foods. In general, grinding and pounding appear to be labor-intensive processing methods. In particular, the labor required to make wild cereals edible has been widely underestimated, and wild cereals were unlikely to have been “attractive” to foragers except under stress conditions. Levantine ground-stone tools were probably used for processing diverse plants. The earliest occurrence of deep mortars coincides with the glacial maximum, camp reoccupations, the onset of increasingly territorial foraging, and the earliest presently known significant samples of wild cereals. Two major episodes of intensification in plant-food processing can be identified in the Levant, coinciding respectively with the earliest evidence for sedentism (12,800-11,500 B.P.) and the transition to farming (11,500-9600 B.P.). The latter episode was characterized by rising frequencies of grinding tools relative to pounding tools, and suggests attempts to maximize nutritional returns of plants harvested from the limited territories characteristic of sedentary foraging and early farming. This episode was probably encouraged by the Younger Dryas, when density and storability of foods may have outweighed considerations of processing costs.