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Picard faces challenges in its quest for recognition, in part due to its perceived similarity with French. While scholars recognize that Picard and French phonology, morphology and lexicon differ considerably, some scholars maintain that Picard syntax differs little from French. Suspecting that such assessments are based on superficial comparisons, we test their validity by performing comparative variationist analyses of Picard and French morphosyntactic structures. This article focuses on interrogatives. We compare older and contemporary written data, as well as contemporary oral data, and show that Picard and French use their shared structures differently and that the Picard Yes/No interrogative system is complex but constrained by two linguistic factors: polarity and person. We report very different distributions of SV, inversion and interrogative –ti based on polarity and show that negative markers point and mie constrain the choice of interrogative structure. For affirmative interrogatives, we show that the distribution of interrogative structures is strongly constrained by the subject person. A diachronic analysis of text from nine authors from three generations reveals overall stability over time, with some signs of convergence toward French in the middle generation but a reversal to the older patterns in the youngest generation.
The wettability of the 304L steel is an important parameter in Liquid Metal Embrittlement studies. Empirically, it is found to be greatly enhanced by pre-exposure to oxygenated liquid sodium. The corrosion interface formed during exposure to sodium has been analyzed at the nanoscale by transmission electron microscopy using the focused ion beam sampling. A thin layer of sodium chromite (NaxCrO2 with x ≤ 1) is detected at the interface validating wetting on an oxide mechanism for the enhanced wetting after pre-exposure. Fracture micromechanisms and the crack path of liquid sodium-embrittled austenitic steel 304L at 573 K have been investigated down to the nanoscale. High-resolution orientation mapping analyses immediately below the fracture surface show that abundant martensitic transformations (γ → α) and twinning occur during deformation of austenite. The preferential crack path is intergranular along the newly formed γ/γ interfaces. It is concluded that these transformations play a major role in the fracture process.
We argue that an evaluation of morphosyntactic convergence between Picard and French must consider multiple variables, comparing rates of (co-)occurrence of Picard-like and French-like variants and linguistic constraints across the two varieties. Contemporary oral data from interviews with Picard–French bilinguals and French monolinguals were analyzed and contrasted with older Picard data. While future temporal reference in Picard and in French appear similar based on frequency, linguistic conditioning reveals differences across varieties and over time. Auxiliary selection displays clearer Picard–French distinctions, especially when considering the effect of linguistic factors. The intersection of variables shows that the differences between Picard and French are qualitative and not simply quantitative. In the context of the debate over the status of Northern France's obsolescent varieties, we provide empirical evidence for a mental grammar in Picard distinct from that of French, and show the relevance of comparative sociolinguistics for language planning.
In this article, we analyze French and Picard data, extracted from sociolinguistic interviews with four Picard–French bilingual speakers and four French monolingual speakers from the Vimeu (Somme) area of France, in order to determine whether the two closely-related varieties maintain distinct grammars or whether they now constitute varieties of the same language. Focusing on two linguistic variables, subject doubling and ne deletion, we argue that the variation observed in our French data results from variation within a single grammar, while our Picard data display markedly different patterns that can only be explained by a speaker's switch to a Picard grammar. We propose a model that schematises our results and attempts to reconcile the notions of diglossia and variation. In addition to providing empirical evidence in favour of an approach that recognises the structurally distinct status of Picard, our data indicate that resorting to a diglossic approach for French fails to capture the intrinsically variable nature of human language.
Comme plusieurs variétés de français familier, le picard redouble les sujets. Puisque les clitiques sujets sont devenus des marques d'accord, il est logique de penser que les sujets redoublés sont les vrais sujets du picard. Cet article examine les sujets redoublés du picard sous les angles de la syntaxe, de la pragmatique et de la prosodie. Nous concluons que les sujets redoublés préverbaux sont ambigus: la plupart sont de véritables sujets (SN SV) mais certains conservent les caractéristiques de la dislocation (SN pro SV). Nous discutons aussi les sujets redoublés postverbaux et distinguons deux constructions: l'inversion stylistique qui place le sujet à l'intérieur du SV et la dislocation à droite.
Cet article examine les clitiques sujets du picard. Comme le français familier, le picard ‘redouble’ les sujets lexicaux à l'aide d'une copie pronominale, ce qui soulève la possibilité que les pronoms sujets soient devenus des marques affixales d'accord verbal. Les tests morphophonologiques et morphosyntaxiques auxquels nous soumettons les clitiques sujets révèlent que s'ils sont devenus de véritables marques d'accord, leur comportement n'est pas tout à fait celui d'affixes lexicaux. Nous proposons donc qu'ils sont générés sous Agr dans la structure syntaxique et qu'ils se cliticisent au verbe en forme phonologique pour former un Groupe Clitique tel que proposé par Hayes 1989.
We investigated the French of the first generation of
Montreal Anglophones who had had access to French immersion
schooling. Our aim was to determine the extent to which these
Anglophones had acquired the variable grammar of their Francophone
peers and how that was related to the type of French instruction
received and to the types of exposure to French. In Montreal French, a
subject NP may be “echoed” by a pronoun without emphatic or
contrastive effect. Because this is not a feature of standard French,
Anglophones who learned French primarily in school were not expected to
exhibit it. On the other hand, Anglophones who frequently spent time
with Montreal Francophones were expected to have picked it up. To test
this hypothesis, we used a database of speech from 29 speakers, varying
in their quantity and type of exposure to French. Multivariate analyses
determined the degree of correlation of several linguistic and social
factors (related to type and quantity of exposure to French) to the
presence of a doubled subject. These data were then compared with that
for L1 French. Speakers who were more nativelike with respect to the
rate of subject doubling and effects of linguistic factors were those
who had had more contact with native speakers, especially as
adults.We thank Pierrette Thibault and
Gillian Sankoff for graciously allowing us to use this corpus. The
interviews in French, which provide the linguistic data and some
sociological data, were conducted by Hélène Blondeau,
Marie-Odile Fonollosa, Lucie Gagnon, and Gillian Sankoff. The follow-up
interviews in English, which provide additional sociological data, were
conducted by Naomi Nagy. The authors gratefully acknowledge the
interviewers' work, the helpful comments of two anonymous
reviewers, and the support of a Summer Research Fellowship from the
University of New Hampshire to the first author in 1997.
One striking feature of Vimeu Picard concerns the regular
insertion of epenthetic vowels in order to break up consonant
clusters and to syllabify word-initial and word-final consonants.
This corpus-based study focuses on word-initial epenthesis.
It provides quantitative evidence that vowel epenthesis applies
categorically in some environments and variably in others.
Probabilistic analysis demonstrates that the variable pattern
is constrained by a complex interplay of linguistic factors.
Following Labov (1972a, 1972b) and Antilla and Cho (1998), I
interpret such intricate grammatical conditioning as evidence
that this variation is a reflection of a grammatical competence
that generates both categorical and variable outputs, and I
propose an account within the framework of Optimality Theory.
An analysis of individual patterns of epenthesis by members
of the community reveals that, even though all speakers share
the same basic community grammar, their use of epenthesis differs
qualitatively as well as quantitatively. I show that individual
grammars can be derived from the community grammar, and that
Optimality Theory allows us to formalize the idea that individual
grammars constitute more specific versions of community grammars.
This article deals with morphosyntactic variation. Focusing on subject doubling in Québec Colloquial French (QCF), the author argues in favor of a conception of linguistic competence which allows for variation. Various analyses which exclude variation from linguistic competence are considered and rejected, and it is concluded that the alternation between doubled and non-doubled constructions is an integral part of the linguistic competence of QCF speakers. The author then raises the question of the plausibility of an analysis which posits variable subject-verb agreement. She demonstrates that variable agreement systems are common crosslinguistically and that the analysis proposed for QCF is in consequence a quite reasonable one. Finally, an analysis is sketched within Chomsky’s Minimalist Program, showing that current linguistic theory is equipped for handling language-internal morphosyntactic variation.