Using data from a Canadian national sample, participation in three activities - going to public places, travel, and going on outings - in a sample of 4,258 respondents aged 55 and over is examined. OLS regression results indicate that the childless go to public places and travel as frequently as parents and go on outings more frequently than parents. Significant differences are also found for gender, marital status, health, and education. Logistic regression results indicate that the childless are more likely to seek companionship with friends and other relatives than are parents. However, gender and marital status are more often significant predictors of source of companionship than is parent status. We conclude that the childless negotiate unique social participation networks which ensure social participation outside the home.

This study examines the perceptions of childlessness reported by 287 childless respondents aged 55 and over who were part of a larger study (n - 678) on aging and social support. Sixty-seven per cent (n = 193) report advantages to childlessness and 64 per cent (n = 185) report disadvantages. Qualitative data show that key perceived advantages are fewer worries or problems, financial benefits, greater freedom, and career flexibility. The major disadvantages are lack of companionship/being alone/loneliness, lack of support and care when older, and missing the experience of parenthood. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of the effects that gender, marital status, age, and childless status (childless by choice or by circumstance) have on the perceived advantages and disadvantages of having no children show that there is variability in perceived advantages only. When we compare specific perceived advantages and disadvantages to related experience, only some perceived benefits (financial advantage) are associated with actual experience. Findings are discussed in the context of actually experiencing costs and benefits versus sharing widely-held beliefs about childlessness.

In this study we examine the impact of parent status and marital status on (1) the foundations of social support networks and (2) who one turns to if help is required with activities of daily living. Data are taken from structured interviews with 678 community-dwelling persons aged 55 and over in London, Canada. This sample overrepresents the childless, single (never married), and divorced, thus ensuring adequate numbers in each category for data analysis. Our findings indicate that marital status is more influential than parent status regarding differences in the foundations of social support. However, for more specific forms of assistance, the divorced and single are more likely than the married, and the childless are more likely than parents to rely on formal support and paid help and less likely to rely on family. As well, for both marital and parent status, there are significant interactions with gender.

High divorce rates over the past 40 years have affected multiple generations and have long-term consequences for family relationships. This article applies a life course perspective as it explores the reverberation of relationship dissolution beyond the nuclear family. Qualitative data from a study involving 86 adults from 10 three-generation families illustrate the extensive reach of divorce across time and generations. An intensive analysis of two families reveals six key areas of negotiation following divorce: relationship dissolution itself; balancing work and family obligations; inlaw ties; parent-child ties; sibling ties; and intimate relationships. Multiple voices from three generations demonstrate the complexity of family relationships over time and the reverberation of individual life course transitions throughout family networks. Applying the concept of ambivalence highlights variations among social groups in the ongoing renegotiation of relationships and situations that follows the dissolution of long-term unions.