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Feeding practices used by educators in Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) settings can influence the diet quality of young children. However, Australian data is scarce and limited to describing barriers to responsive feeding. This study describes the use of feeding practices amongst a group of Australian educators.
Direct observation of feeding practices and assessment of centre policy were conducted using the ‘Environment and Policy Assessment and Observation’ tool. Self-reported feeding practices and demographic data were collected via online survey using the Childcare Food and Activity Practices Questionnaire.
Ten centre-based ECEC services in South East Queensland, Australia.
Educators working in ECEC.
A total of 120 meals were observed and 88 educators provided self-report data (n 84 female). Centre policy supported the use of responsive feeding practices, and this was reflected in the high frequency with which children could decide what and how much to eat, across both observed and self-report data as well as low levels of pressure to eat and use of food as a reward (observed at 19·9 % and 0 % of meals). The only apparent discrepancy was regarding modelling. Median score for self-reported role-modelling was 5·0 (4·3–5·0) and educators were observed to sit with children at 75 % of meals, however observed occasions of enthusiastic role modelling was only 22 % (0–33·3) of meals.
Research addressing how educators conceptualise feeding practices, as well under what circumstances they are used, particularly in centres with different models of food provision, may shed light on why modelling is rarely implemented in practice.
In light of the recognition of the Anthropocene – a geological epoch of our own making – this chapter asks how well anthropology is equipped to deal with the challenge that the recognition of human geological agency presents to our time perspectives. It offers two theoretical starting points to initiate the conversation between anthropological theory and the history of the encounter with deep time within Britain: the anthropologist E.E. Evans-Pritchard and the geologist James Hutton. This discussion introduces three key questions for an anthropology of deep time: what is the relationship between human rhythms and the rhythms of the more-than-human world within which humans live? What is the significance of our time horizons, their proximity or distance? And whose time is deep time?
This chapter explores the particular significance of the present, and the ways in which anthropology has approached ‘presentism’ as a metaphysical claim, a sociological description, and a means of analysis. While recognising that an analysis of the conditions of presentism is crucial for understanding contemporary social life, the central argument here is that any attempt to embrace presentism as a methodological tool or even metaphysical truth risks distorting human activity in a disastrous way by abstracting it from the material environment that makes such activity possible. The chapter concludes with a reflection upon the relationship between time and mystification in order to understand temporal disjuncture: conditions of life which obscure – and at the same time are violently dissonant with – the temporality of the ecologies and geologies which make that life possible. The task for anthropology is to analyse the conditions of this extraction from deep time, not to replicate it.
What underlies the English rural idyll? This chapter explores the relationship between stratigraphy, economy, and sense of place, taking as its primary focus the chalk hills of South Cambridgeshire, the ‘great croprolite boom’, and the significance of cement production. Yet in exploring the way in which social and economic change delves into geological history, it challenges chronotopes that emphasise continuity and consonance within the landscape, focussing our attention instead on temporal disjuncture, displacement, and a geology in motion.
Ground that was once the floor of the sea; sea rising up and snatching away ground. Folding hills, coastlines shaped and reshaped. There is nothing static about the terrain upon which we live and on which we depend.
This book seeks to understand human life in relation to these deep-time movements. It sets out to explore the way in which social rhythms interact with ecological and geological rhythms. Yet in the course of such a task, dislocations become apparent – the tension between the short-term orientation of contemporary life and the vast span of the physical processes on which that present draws. What are the horizons of a society’s sense of time? This is a question of enormous significance for anthropological analysis, as I intend to show.
Recognising that our maps of deep time are themselves products of the entangled relationship between the biographical and the geological, this chapter takes inspiration from the ‘biographical geology’ of the Scottish stonemason and geologist Hugh Miller. Turning our ethnographic focus to the Orkney Islands, where Miller hunted for fish fossils within the Old Red Sandstone, this chapter considers the ways in which deep time protrudes into the present. In particular, we consider the dynamics of erosion (and the role of concrete defences in holding the line against erosion) and the impact of the discovery of geological resources – particularly oil and uranium – as they shape people’s identity in relation to time and place.
This concluding chapter locates our present geological moment politically and economically, arguing that the major ecological degradation which has been made visible at the level of geological time is a result of the Lockean designation of ‘unused’ land as waste to be made productive. And crucially, this designation of land as waste goes hand in hand with the extraction from deep time: it involves bracketing out the long-term history of the landscape and its ecological future for the work of extracting economic value in the now. To expand our time horizons is, in fact, to recognise the contemporary relationship with deep time as wastage.
Taking as its focus the drained peatlands of the East Anglian fens, this chapter examines the formation and wastage of peat as a particular case study of human geological agency; a particular instance of the global transformation of a net carbon sink into a net carbon source. Here we see lived encounters with time depth that bring us face-to-face with temporal disjuncture: in particular, we see how the fenlands today find themselves locked-in to a present from which variation becomes unthinkable.
The work of mapping the processes of geological formation is entangled with the process of extraction from deep time – a conquest figured in relation to the coal measures. Building on Alfred Gell’s approach to the relationship between time and the ways in which it is culturally constructed, this chapter addresses the question ‘Whose time is deep time?’ through a consideration of the politics of marking the boundaries of time in nineteenth-century Imperial Britain, with a particular focus on the Cambridge geologist Adam Sedgwick.
Beginning with an ethnography of controversy in the representation of time at the Giant’s Causeway, County Antrim, this chapter focuses on the role of catastrophe as rupture in time, confronting us with the transformative potential of events that render planetary history radically discontinuous. Yet while in the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century history of the earth sciences catastrophism became displaced as orthodoxy by uniformitarian explanations, becoming a shadow mode of explanation associated primarily with Christian Biblical literalism, the significance of catastrophe in earth history has re-emerged in a distinct form through the recognition of mass extinction events. Indeed, it has a particular contemporary significance, as we increasingly recognise our own extractive relationship with time as catastrophe: vectors of a mass extinction event, the likes of which have occurred only five times in the last 540 million years or so.
In the face of debates about the Anthropocene - a geological epoch of our own making - and contemporary concerns about ecological crisis and the Sixth Mass Extinction, it is more important than ever to locate the timeframe of human activity within the deep time of planetary history. This path-breaking book is a timely critical review of the anthropology of time, exploring our human relationship with the timescale of geological formation. Richard D. G. Irvine shows how the time-horizons of social life are a matter of crucial concern, and lays bare the ways in which human activity becomes severed from the long-term geological and ecological rhythms on which it depends.
Annual monitoring of physical health of people with severe mental illness (SMI) in primary or secondary care is recommended in England.
The SMI Health Improvement Profile (HIP) was developed to target physical well-being in SMI through the role of the mental health nurse.
The primary aim was to investigate if health checks performed by community mental health nurses (CMHNs) trained to use the HIP improved the physical well-being of patients with SMI at 12 months.
A single blind, parallel group randomised controlled trial of training to use the HIP (clustered at the level of the nurse). Physical well-being was measured in study patients using the physical component score of the SF36v2 at baseline and at 12 months.
Sixty CMHNs (working with 173 patients) were assigned to the HIP programme (training to use the HIP) or treatment as usual. The HIP was completed with 38 (42%) patients at baseline and 22 (24%) at follow-up in the HIP programme group. No effect of the HIP programme on physical health-related quality of life of study patients was identified, a finding supported by per protocol analyses.
This study found no evidence that CMHN delivered health checks following training to use the HIP are effective at improving the physical well-being of SMI patients at one year. More attention to methods that aim to enable the delivery, receipt and enactment of evidence-based interventions to improve physical health outcomes in this population is urgently required.
Disclosure of interest
The authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
Early detection of an invading nonindigenous plant species (NIS) may be critical for efficient and effective management. Adaptive survey sampling methods may provide unbiased sampling for best estimates of distribution of rare and spatially clustered populations of plants in the early stages of invasion. However, there are few examples of these methods being used for nonnative plant surveys in which travelling distances away from an initial or source patch, or away from a road or trail, can be time consuming due to the topography and vegetation. Nor is there guidance as to which of the many adaptive methods would be most appropriate as a basis for invasive plant mapping and subsequent management. Here we used an empirical complete census of four invader species in early to middle stages of invasion in a management area to assess the effectiveness and efficiency of three nonadaptive methods, four adaptive cluster methods, and four adaptive web sampling methods that all originated from transects. The adaptive methods generally sampled more NIS-occupied cells and patches than standard transect approaches. Sampling along roads only was time-efficient and effective, but only for species with restricted distribution along the roads. When populations were more patchy and dispersed over the landscape the adaptive cluster starting at the road generally proved to be the most time-efficient and effective NIS detection method.
This study presents the clinical characteristics of 8 victims of multiple sclerosis from the hamlet of Henribourg, Saskatchewan with a population of less than 75 people. A diligent victim of the disease had observed that six female classmates from the early 1940's had later developed multiple sclerosis. Two male military personnel who had also resided briefly in close proximity, during the same common exposure time, also later developed multiple sclerosis. The mean onset time of developing the disease after leaving the area was 20 years. This cluster-focus suggests a common exposure to an environmental factor or a common infective agent in the etiology of multiple sclerosis.