This text formed part of banner hung outside an abortion clinic in Texas, US by clinic staff (Taft, 2010). It was a visual resistance to the hostile, sometimes violent activities of the anti-abortion movement, some of whom regularly gathered outside. Charlotte Taft, abortion provider, reflects on this hostility, which included the murder of her dear friend, Dr George Tiller, and observes that in the US an unholy war was underway ‘waged by Fundamentalist Christians who believe they are (entitled) to act for their vengeful God’ (Taft, 2010: 1). The fundamentalist position is not unique to the US; across the globe hostile positions on abortion have been a focal point for the religious right and conservative forces who present it as immoral. This imagery of war and vengeance, and the physical violence that it has resulted in, could be described as an extreme position on the prochoice/prolife dichotomy. However, the pervasiveness of the idea that abortion is always immoral leaves many people of faith feeling that a stance of total rejection of abortion is the only one that is acceptable for a believer, particularly in the Christian traditions. Moral absolutism dominates the religious discourse on abortion in many Christian societies, particularly those where religious narratives have been co-opted by political entities pursuing a platform for right-wing ideologies.

This book has examined an alternative religious approach to abortion that flows from the assertion that it is not immoral, and that faith communities and organisations can affirm the reproductive rights and freedoms of pregnant people. People of faith provide abortions, have abortions and are supportive of access to abortion, despite these perspectives having been drowned out, or ignored, in both faith and secular settings. We have presented research evidence, scholarly analysis, case studies, and reflections on praxis from around the globe, from academics, theologians, practitioners and some who wear all of these hats. Engaging with religious framing from within Christianity, Judaism, Islam and Buddhism, the authors have critically examined how liberal faith organisations position, discuss, engage with and advocate for abortion as a healthcare procedure chosen by women and pregnant people in good faith, exercising their own moral autonomy.

Abortion has been a politically contested issue in many countries for at least half a century. However, within the context of more recent global challenges arising from the increased prominence of right-wing populism, typified by organisations espousing misogyny and pronatalist policies, abortion has become highly politicised. This politicisation contributes to restricted access to abortion, the proliferation of social stigma surrounding abortion, and high levels of unsafe abortion in the global south (Bloomer et al, 2018). There are an estimated 121 million unintended pregnancies annually of which 61 per cent end in abortion, totaling 73.3 million abortions annually. This corresponds to a global abortion rate of 39 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–49 years (Bearak et al, 2020: 1152). 25.1 million abortions each year are unsafe, with 24.3 million (97 per cent) of these in developing countries. The proportion of unsafe abortions was significantly higher in developing countries than developed countries (49.5 per cent vs 12.5 per cent) (Ganatra et al, 2017: 2372). Unsafe abortion is a leading–but preventable–cause of maternal deaths and morbidities. It can lead to physical and mental health complications and social and financial burdens for women, communities and health systems (World Health Organisation, WHO, 2021).

The public health consequences of the politicisation of abortion have long been on the agenda of global health policy makers. Increasingly, social scientists have turned their attention to understanding the underpinning social and structural dynamics that contribute to the construction of antiabortion political agendas. Studies of abortion discourse have demonstrated the way political actors, the media and civil society organisations use narrative devices, such as harmful stereotypes about women who have abortions, to influence public policy debates (Smyth, 1998; Whittaker, 2004). Scholars of abortion stigma have developed robust scales for measuring stigma in the general population and stigma at a community or national level, allowing for relationships between stigma and abortion law and policy to be identified (Sorhaindo et al, 2016; Cutler et al, 2021). Sociological analysis of religion locates religiosity within the determinants of individual anti-abortion attitudes and wider public policy (Adamczyk et al, 2020). There is ample evidence across all of this scholarship that certain aspects of religious belief, worldview and discourse are useful to those who wish to restrict access to safe, legal abortion.

While it is difficult to know exactly how often Australian women meet sperm donors online, the growth in online platforms for sperm donors and women to connect suggests the phenomenon is increasing. One reason cited for growth in the practice is that it gives donors the opportunity to develop a relationship with their donor offspring while the children are young. Drawing on qualitative interviews with sperm donors and media coverage of the phenomenon, this chapter considers the experience of donors who meet their recipient online and who have early contact with their offspring. It explores why donors choose to donate outside of the formal clinic environment, their expectations from early contact, and whether these expectations evolve over time. It concludes by considering the implications of increasing informal donation in a country where formal donation is legally regulated.

How are siblings who were conceived using the same sperm or egg donor making connections in the absence of legal support? What is it like to discover you are part of a fifty plus donor sibling group? How are donor-conceived adults using new technologies to connect with their genetic family and explore their identity? This edited collection considers the donor-linking experiences of donor-conceived adults and children, recipient parents, and donors in a global context. It includes contributions from legal academics, social workers, sociologists, psychologists, and policy makers who work in the assisted conception field. As a result, it will be of particular interest to scholars of reproductive law, sociology, and digital media and reproductive technologies. It will also engage those following the debate around donor linking and the use of do-it-yourself technologies, including direct-to-consumer genetic testing and social media.

How are siblings who were conceived using the same sperm or egg donor making connections in the absence of legal support? What is it like to discover you are part of a fifty plus donor sibling group? How are donor-conceived adults using new technologies to connect with their genetic family and explore their identity? This edited collection considers the donor-linking experiences of donor-conceived adults and children, recipient parents, and donors in a global context. It includes contributions from legal academics, social workers, sociologists, psychologists, and policy makers who work in the assisted conception field. As a result, it will be of particular interest to scholars of reproductive law, sociology, and digital media and reproductive technologies. It will also engage those following the debate around donor linking and the use of do-it-yourself technologies, including direct-to-consumer genetic testing and social media.