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With a population of 34 million and an extremely high reliance on charcoal, Tanzania is a classic example of the social and environmental risks faced by many developing countries. About 85% of the total urban population uses charcoal for household cooking and energy provision for small and medium enterprises (Sawe 2004). In 1992 the total amount of charcoal consumed nationwide was estimated to be about 1.2 million tons (Sawe 2004). In 2002, the charcoal business generated revenues of more than 200 billion TShs (US$ 200 million), with more than 70 000 people from rural and urban areas employed in the industry (TaTEDO 2002b). Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s largest city, accounts for more than 50% of all charcoal consumed in the country.
The charcoal sector is far from sustainable. The forest resources that the industry is relying on are disappearing rapidly and the productivity of the sector has not seen any improvement either. The charcoal sector in Tanzania is operating economically, socially and environmentally in a suboptimal manner. However, solutions that safeguard the charcoal sector’s future are not straightforward.
Eric Massey, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands,
Dave Huitema, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands,
Andrew Jordan, University of East Anglia, Norwich, United Kingdom,
Tim Rayner, University of East Anglia, Norwich, United Kingdom
The previous chapter highlighted the concept of mainstreaming and its emerging importance in EU adaptation policy. In this chapter, the implications of this agenda for a specific policy sector – water – are examined. In spite of its economic roots, the EU has in fact been confronting issues associated with the governance of water for over three decades. In fact, water quality constituted one of the very first priorities identified by EU environmental policy makers. In common with some of the other policy areas we have examined, the European Commission has been somewhat handicapped by the lack of a clear legal mandate to regulate. At first, this was partially resolved by framing water quality problems as threats to the common market and/or public health, which gave rise to a somewhat uneven pattern of intervention. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, however, the increased competence of the EU in environmental matters permitted a thorough overhaul of the water acquis, from which emerged a new approach, pursued through the Water Framework Directive (2000/60/EC) and separate legislation on floods (Directive 2007/60/EC). At the time that the water acquis was rapidly developing, climate change was not a prominent concern at EU level. In fact it was only with the creation of the ECCP II in 2005 (see Chapter 7) that the implications of climate change began to be seriously explored by EU water experts.
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