Incumbent city councillors have an almost insurmountable advantage in Canadian municipal elections. This article aims to improve our understanding of the municipal incumbency advantage by considering the ability of electors to correctly identify the two most competitive candidates in one's ward and the factors associated with being able to do so. Using survey data from the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES), we consider the case of the 2018 elections in Mississauga, a city with typically high rates of incumbent re-election. Survey respondents were asked to identify the two most competitive candidates in their local ward races. We find that comparatively few electors are able to recognize which challenger serves as the strongest threat to a sitting councillor, a finding that suggests that coordination problems may help to contribute to high rates of incumbent success. We identify several individual-level and ward-level correlates of correctly identifying the first-place and second-place finishers. We do note, however, that there is a significant amount of variation among the thousands of municipalities in Canada, so findings from this case should be tested in other settings, including larger or smaller cities where levels of information might be different.

Disaffection of youth from politics is a well-documented phenomenon in many countries. In this article, we consider whether the social networks of young people have the same influence on political engagement as they have been found to have for older adults. We use a single dataset to test the effects of discussion and disagreement on the political engagement of young people (30 and under) and older adults. We find that social network discussion has a stronger effect on the engagement of young people but that disagreement has no clear differential effect.

Voter participation is widely viewed as invaluable by democratic theorists, and a large majority of members of the Canadian public believe that low turnout weakens Canadian democracy. In response to decreasing rates of turnout in federal elections, Elections Canada has run advertising campaigns during the last several election campaigns encouraging Canadians to participate by voting. Using Election Canadian Study data from 2006 and 2008, this note examines the effect of Elections Canada's advertisements upon turnout and the partisan outcome of elections. Results reveal that the ad campaigns have effects upon both factors. The ads increase turnout among segments of the population with traditionally low turnout rates and are associated with an overall decrease in the Conservative party's vote share.

We observed with HARPS, the Rossiter-McLaughlin effect for 40 of the 75 transiting hot Jupiters discovered in the Southern Hemisphere by WASP. Our observations reveal a wide distribution in orbital inclinations indicative of past dynamical interactions. Our data also demonstrate the important effect produced by tidal interactions in shaping the spin–orbit (β) angle distribution. We briefly present and interpret the data we collected in a series of graphs.

Abstract. Concern about the environment has grown around the world. Important work has assessed the correlates of support for the environment and its relationship to values (for example, Inglehart, 1995). Recent comparative work on political party positioning demonstrates how the issue has increasingly taken on a left–right dimension (Dalton, 2009). Filling a void in the literature, this paper explores how and whether the environmental issue has been incorporated into the ideological space of Canadian citizens and reflected in the views of the major political parties outside of Quebec. In particular, we first consider the extent to which the environment is a left–right issue in the minds of Canadian citizens. We follow this by assessing the effect of environmental concern on citizens' views of political parties and whether this issue tends to operate as a positional or valence issue in differentiating political parties. We use the Canadian Election Studies from 2000–2006 to address these research questions empirically.

Résumé. L'intérêt pour la protection de l'environnement s'est intensifié autour du monde. Des recherches ont été menées sur la corrélation entre l'idéologie et la protection de l'environnement (par exemple, Inglehart 1995). Une étude récente sur le positionnement des partis politiques en matière d'environnement démontre que la question prend de plus en plus une dimension gauche–droite (Dalton 2009). Dans le but de combler un manque dans la littérature, cet article tente d'établir dans quelle mesure l'environnement a effectivement été intégré dans l'espace idéologique des citoyens canadiens et se reflète dans l'opinion sur les principaux partis politiques à l'extérieur du Québec. Nous examinons d'abord jusqu'à quel point l'environnement est considéré par les Canadiens comme un enjeu politique de gauche ou de droite. Nous évaluons ensuite l'effet de cet intérêt pour l'environnement sur l'opinion des citoyens canadiens à l'égard des partis politiques en vue de déterminer s'il s'agit là d'un enjeu de valeur ou d'un enjeu positionnel dans les choix politiques et électoraux. Nous appuyons empiriquement notre étude sur les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne de 2000 à 2006.

A yield problem is observed with tungsten vias formed on copper interconnects. Copper migration can occur during chemical vapor deposition (CVD) of tungsten, if there are defects in the liner inside the via. Copper can react quickly with SiH4 during the early stages of tungsten deposition, when SiH4-reduction of WF6 is used. Under severe conditions, large amounts of copper diffuse out of the underlying metal layer, resulting in copper silicide formation in the via and leaving voids in the copper wire. Copper migration can be minimized by reducing the time that the wafers are exposed to SiH4.

Abstract. The last two decades have witnessed dramatic downswings in voter turnout. Turnout decline among the youngest voters has been particularly pronounced, even discounting for normal life-cycle effects. Voting and abstention are habitual, so initial turnout decisions set the course for the life span. Consequently, greater attention to the immediate pre-adult years is necessary. This is the task we undertake using survey data on Ontario adolescents' attitudes toward voting.

Résumé. Les deux dernières décennies témoignent d'un déclin dramatique de la participation électorale. Chez les plus jeunes électeurs, cette tendance s'avère particulièrement prononcée, même en tenant compte des effets habituels du cycle de vie. Le fait de voter ou de s'en abstenir sont une question d'habitude, de sorte que la décision initiale de pparticiper ou non tend à déterminer le comportement pour la vie. Il importe donc d'accorder plus d'attention aux années précédant immédiatement l'âge adulte. C'est la tâche que nous entreprenons en nous appuyant sur les données de sondages portant sur l'attitude des adolescents de l'Ontario à l'égard du vote.

Abstract. While an important component of incumbent support, the effect of economic conditions on vote choice (economic voting) can be undermined by the presence of multilevel institutions; voters are faced with the prospect of evaluating economic conditions and governments at different levels simultaneously. This paper tests the applicability of a model which seeks to account for how and how well voters cope with the complexity of multilevel governance. The accountability-centred model suggests that federal and provincial governments should only be evaluated for those actions and outcomes that they can reasonably be seen to have influence over. Additionally, it is asked whether high information respondents are better able to navigate some of the complexities of Canada's multilevel system. Analyses are conducted using data from the 1993 and 1997 Canadian Election Studies.

Résumé. Les conditions économiques constituent un facteur d'appui électoral important pour les dirigeants politiques. Il semble, toutefois, que l'impact de ce facteur soit amoindri dans les États présentant plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement. Dans les sociétés ayant des institutions multi-paliers, les électeurs ont en effet le défi d'attribuer les performances économiques aux divers paliers de gouvernement. Cet article teste un modèle théorique qui tente d'expliquer comment les électeurs se comportent face à la complexité de la gouvernance multi-paliers au Canada. Le modèle, centré sur la responsabilité des dirigeants, suggère que les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux devraient uniquement être jugés pour les décisions et résultats politiques sur lesquels ils exercent manifestement une influence. Cet article examine, en outre, la question de savoir si les électeurs bien informés saisissent mieux la complexité de la gouvernance multi-paliers lorsqu'ils évaluent la performance des dirigeants. L'analyse se fonde sur les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne de 1993 et de 1997.

Abstract. Despite widespread attention paid to issues of representation, how Canadians think and feel about different facets of representation are inadequately documented and understood. Using data from the 2000 Canadian Election Study (CES), the article addresses this dearth of systematic research through an examination of popularly held attitudes toward three dimensions of political representation: direct versus representative democracy, the role of the elected representative and territorial versus non-territorial bases of substantive representation. Particular attention is paid to the impact of political knowledge and the individualist/collectivist value cleavage on representational preferences. Results are discussed in light of current debates regarding institutional and representational change in Canada.

Résumé. En dépit de l'attention portée aux enjeux de la représentation, les sentiments et les idées des Canadiens par rapport aux différents aspects de la représentation sont mal documentés et compris. Cet article emploie les données de l'Étude électorale canadienne (ÉÉC) et cherche à combler cette lacune en examinant les attitudes populaires par rapport à trois dimensions de la représentation politique : la démocratie directe versus représentative, le rôle du représentant élu, et les bases de représentation territoriales versus non-territoriales. Nous accordons une attention particulière aux répercussions du niveau de connaissances politiques et des valeurs individualistes ou collectivistes sur les préférences en matière de représentation. Les résultats sont examinés à la lumière des débats récents sur le renouveau institutionnel et les modifications de la représentation au Canada.