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In Australia today, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience significant ongoing disadvantage around employment, education, health, housing, and social inclusion. Local government agencies and others often now have roles for Aboriginal people to work and deal with relevant issues. Ten people working, or formerly working, in Aboriginal-related roles in local government were interviewed about the issues and benefits of such roles. Themes to emerge included the importance of properly resourcing the positions, having wide-ranging Aboriginal employment policies, providing mentoring and support for Aboriginal workers, and continuing to build cultural awareness in councils. Many of those interviewed described cultural awareness training as valuable for councils, but also questioned the efficacy of the way they are commonly run. Implications for local government include the need to ensure that what is already known about the effective implementation of policies in organisations is being applied; for example, by making Aboriginal employment policies the responsibility of each work area.
Sharing is an important social behaviour for promoting reciprocal interaction and interactive play among peers, but previous studies have only trained giving and accepting behaviours. We trained appropriate asking in addition to giving, and tested for functional independence. Three socially isolated children were first trained either to ask appropriately for their turn with a toy, or else to offer the toy to a confederate child, and this was reversed after stability. There was an immediate increase in whichever behaviour was trained, but the other behaviour showed no increase until it was directly trained. This was replicated with two nondisabled children. Follow-up assessments on all five children showed some maintenance up to a month after training. These studies demonstrate that appropriate giving and asking are functionally independent, at least in this experimental setting; that this is not restricted to socially isolated children; and that asking does not emerge from training giving alone. It was argued that, while these results could be due to instructional control rather than the more natural consequences of sharing, such social rules or norms are typically taught as instructions from teachers and parents.
We discuss two common ways that assessment tests or probes have been given in relation to training during applied behavioural interventions when continuous assessment is not possible. With pre-session assessment, target behaviours are tested immediately before training sessions; with post-session assessment, target behaviours are tested immediately after training sessions. Although they are not optimal methods for testing performance, such assessments are not rare, and archival data on the incidence of these two methods for JABA publications in the period 1993 to 1996 show that about 25% of research articles use one or both of these methods. The distinction between pre- and post-session assessment is important because the two methods influence the interpretation of data, and the decision to move to the next phase of an intervention. This influence is illustrated with a comparison between two studies of correspondence training. We then discuss the different positive and negative aspects of each assessment type, and two new methodologies are developed that retain the positive aspects of each assessment type. The final recommendation when such designs are necessary is a new method in which a criterion of three correct post-session assessments is reached first, followed by three correct pre-session assessments, before moving into the next phase of intervention.
The strength of the association between intensive care unit (ICU)-acquired nosocomial infections (NIs) and mortality might differ according to the methodological approach taken.
TO assess the association between ICU-acquired NIs and mortality using the concept of population-attributable fraction (PAF) for patient deaths caused by ICU-acquired NIs in a large cohort of critically ill patients.
Eleven ICUs of a French university hospital.
We analyzed surveillance data on ICU-acquired NIs collected prospectively during the period from 1995 through 2003. The primary outcome was mortality from ICU-acquired NI stratified by site of infection. A matched-pair, case-control study was performed. Each patient who died before ICU discharge was defined as a case patient, and each patient who survived to ICU discharge was denned as a control patient. The PAF was calculated after adjustment for confounders by use of conditional logistic regression analysis.
Among 8,068 ICU patients, a total of 1,725 deceased patients were successfully matched with 1,725 control Patients. The adjusted PAF due to ICU-acquired NI for patients who died before ICU discharge was 14.6% (95% confidence interval [CI], 14.4%—14.8%). Stratified by the type of infection, the PAF was 6.1% (95% CI, 5.7%–6.5%) for pulmonary infection, 3.2% (95% CI, 2.8%–3.5%) for central venous catheter infection, 1.7% (95% CI, 0.9%–2.5%) for bloodstream infection, and 0.0% (95% CI, –0.4% to 0.4%) for urinary tract infection.
ICU-acquired NI had an important effect on mortality. However, the statistical association between ICU-acquired NI and mortality tended to be less pronounced in findings based on the PAF than in study findings based on estimates of relative risk. Therefore, the choice of methods does matter when the burden of NI needs to be assessed.
Dans cet article nous présentons quelques plans d'essais
accélérés pour estimer la fiabilité des produits. Les plans
étudiés sont basés sur le modèle standard de vie accélérée (SVA) en considérant
des estimations paramétrique et non-paramétrique. Des applications
sur des trombones, soumis à de la fatigue oligocyclique, sont
présentées pour illustrer ces différents plans.
Glaciar Chacaltaya is an easily accessible glacier located close to La Paz, Bolivia. Since 1991, information has been collected about the evolution of this glacier since the Little Ice Age, with a focus on the last six decades. The data considered in this study are monthly mass-balance measurements, yearly mappings of the surface topography and a map of the glacier bed given by ground-penetrating radar survey. A drastic shrinkage of ice has been observed since the early 1980s, with a mean deficit about 1 m a−1 w.e. From 1992 to 1998, the glacier lost 40% of its average thickness and two-thirds of its total volume, and the surface area was reduced by >40%. With a mean estimated equilibrium-line altitude lying above its upper reach, the glacier has been continuously exposed to a dominant ablation on the whole surface area. If the recent climatic conditions continue, a complete extinction of this glacier in the next 15 years can be expected. Glaciar Chacaltaya is representative of the glaciers of the Bolivian eastern cordilleras, 80% of which are small glaciers (<0.5 km2). A probable extinction of these glaciers in the near future could seriously affect the hydrological regime and the water resources of the high-elevation basins.
Some connections between the theories of social facilitation
There are a number of relationships between all the social facilitation models. With so many theories all trying to explain the same experimental interaction effect, many links must be possible. Some of these have already been mentioned in passing through the last five chapters.
A first point is that most of the mere presence and social conformity models must also predict concurrent attentional changes. If arousal arises in some fashion from the unpredictability of others (Guerin and Innes, 1982; Zajonc, 1980) then these others must be watched, at least briefly. If a behaviour standard matching process influences behaviour then subjects must have attended to their internal standards or to the external cues for the appropriate behaviours. This means that there must be epiphenomenal changes in attention with both arousal and social conformity models, so it is not clear whether attentional differences found between Alone and Presence conditions might be products of other differences in arousal or standard setting rather than causes in themselves.
A second point specifically concerns social conformity models which all suggest that in the presence of others certain socially approved behaviours are more frequent and socially disapproved behaviours more infrequent. The different theories conceptualize the source or storage of these socially valued behaviours in slightly different ways: as social standards, response sets, social schemata, or learned self-presentation strategies. The point here, though, is that each assumes that these behaviours can be described and predicted in different contexts. As suggested above, it is not clear that this can be done in practice independently of the social facilitation measurements.
As we saw in the last chapter, social facilitation research was either ignored or not carried out enthusiastically in the years after the Second World War. In 1965, Zajonc produced an influential account of the social facilitation literature. In this he made at least nine points, which, because of the importance of his article in renewing interest in the field, will be discussed in detail. Before doing this, the changes in experimental psychology which had occurred need to be outlined.
The development of experimental psychology
It needs to be kept in mind that between the last of the social facilitation studies and 1965, the whole research orientation of psychology, as well as theoretical orientation, had changed. Conceptually Hullian behaviourism had dominated psychology for many years, with its hypothetico-deductive model of research, its mechanistic approach, and its emphasis on observable behaviour.
Hullian behaviourism was a reaction to the looseness and conceptual uncertainty of earlier psychologies. Too many of the psychologies of the first third of this century dealt only with what people said about themselves: the verbalizations (introspections) about their thoughts, behaviour, feelings and emotions. While it is clear that how people talk about their own psychology is important (Farr and Moscovici, 1984), it was no longer clear by the mid-century that such verbalizations should be the basis for how psychology talks about thoughts, behaviour, feelings and emotions. After all, physicists no longer took seriously how people talked about tables and chairs: they considered the constituent molecules and atoms instead.
The rise of the cognitive approach in psychology can probably be dated to the publication of Miller, Galanter and Pribram (1960), while its position in social psychology was most clearly stated by Zajonc (1968a). Miller et al.'s book did not so much present any new data about psychology, but rather, it gave psychologists permission to speak about events which they could not observe. This was antithetical to the dominant behaviourisms of Hull and Spence, but not to that of Skinner (1974). Giving such permission had some benefits, but it also had some costs which are perhaps only now being appreciated in social psychology.
The benefit of speaking about unobservable events was that such events could be modelled in words, symbols or equations, and predictions made of observable behaviour. Such a strategy had helped the development of nuclear physics, for example, by allowing modelling of (then) unobservable atoms and electrons. Since being applied to social psychology, there has been a rapid proliferation of cognitive models (Markus and Zajonc, 1985).
The problem with cognitive models is that unless strict controls are kept on theorizing (see Skinner, 1950), the models can become underdetermined or indeterminate, such that many different models can be supported by the same observed data. We have, in fact, already seen some of this occurring in the last chapter, when each of the theories could account for the same data in seemingly different ways.
The major conclusion of this book must be that social facilitation consists of many phenomena which are common to other social psychological areas of interest (see Geen, 1989, 1991; Paulus, 1983). What defines social facilitation is the particular mix of conditions which is usually present in the social facilitation setting, rather than any defining phenomena such as an increase or decrease in responding.
The animal studies suggested that the changes in the presence of other animals are primarily due to disinhibition of fear responses. When in groups most animals spend less time with fear responses and this facilitates the performance of other behaviours. These other behaviours might be an increase in eating (for chicks), an increase in vigilance (e.g., Lazarus, 1979), or increased social interaction concomitant with decreases in other behaviours such as eating (for rats).
With humans there was some evidence for mere presence effects (Chapter 8). A model based on monitoring was presented as a possible explanation for such effects. While this is obviously not the last word, it at least provides a way of defining mere presence which goes beyond just defining it as the absence of any other effects.
Besides mere presence effects, there were many other phenomena evident in the presence of another person: apprehension about evaluation; changes in self-awareness; increases in self-presentation strategies; increases in behaviours for which other people have become discriminative stimuli; increases in verbal behaviours; behaviour inhibition (at least for rehearsal strategies); physical distraction; cognitive distraction; narrowing of attention; and increases in social comparisons.
Humans may run faster, read less or type more quickly, simply because someone else is present. The presence of one person affects the behaviour of another: this is known as social facilitation and is one of the oldest topics in social psychology. Despite its importance this was the first book-length study of the phenomenon when it was published in 1993. Dr Guerin reviewed all work in the area from 1898 onwards, looking at both animal and human research, and developed his own theory, based on modern behaviour analysis. The book will be appreciated for its wide-ranging and balanced review of previous work on social facilitation and for the general review of the state of social psychology during the 1990s that Dr Guerin's work on the phenomenon includes. The author's theoretical stance is innovative and important, and will make the work required reading.
Social facilitation is said to occur when one animal increases or decreases its behaviour in the presence of another animal which does not otherwise interact with it. Typically, a chicken might be found to eat more when another chicken is present, even if this other chicken does not reinforce, communicate, exhibit eating behaviour, or compete for food. Likewise, social facilitation is said to occur when humans run faster, read less, type quicker, or do fewer arithmetic problems in the presence of another person, but only if the other person does not reinforce the behaviour, show how it is done, set a performance standard, or compete.
These changes in behaviour were first studied as a phenomenon in 1898, and have since become known as social facilitation, whether the changes in behaviour are an increase or a decrease. In research, a human subject will perform a task alone and in the presence of another person, and the two types of conditions are compared.
It can be seen that social facilitation is defined through exclusion: it is said to occur when no other explanation (competition, reinforcement, cueing, cooperation) is possible. This makes it difficult to say exactly what social facilitation is, except by demonstrating that a behaviour has increased or decreased in the presence of another animal and that other explanations are not possible.
Put in these terms, it might be wondered why anyone would bother studying such finicky and elusive effects. The fact is, however, that social facilitation is one of the oldest topics in social psychology, and lays claim to being the first topic studied in experimental social psychology.