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The Benedictine priory of St Martin at Dover was a convenient resting place for those just arrived in England. On 6 March 1263 the priory's chronicler noted the arrival from France of three young men of the highest pedigree: John, Earl Warenne, Henry of Almain, son of Richard of Cornwall, and Henry de Montfort. This trio of young nobles heralded the return, seven weeks later, of Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, which, in turn, precipitated a protracted but violent descent into civil war the following year. What is really surprising about this incident, however, is not that Earl Warenne and Henry of Almain ended up fighting against Henry de Montfort and his father in the civil war of 1264-5 but that they were ever minded to go against the king in the first place. The political grouping which Warenne and Henry of Almain headed, that of the former friends of the king's son, Lord Edward, has long been recognised by historians as one of the powerful factions in English politics during the period of Reform and Rebellion, and their role in precipitating Montfort's return has been likewise acknowledged. Their immediate motive for doing so was the political isolation imposed on them in 1261 by the queen and the Savoyard faction at court which she led, a culmination of a tug of war over the affections of Lord Edward which had been waged since the mid 1250s. This grouping of young English lords around Edward has, in turn, been linked to the factional struggles at Henry III's court between the Savoyard relatives of his queen and his own Lusignan halfbrothers from Poitou.
What will be argued in this article is that for Warenne, the wealthiest and most prominent member of this faction, his antagonism towards the Savoyards stretched back much further, to the early 1240s, and that it was caused by the manner of Henry III's settlement of the Savoyards in England. The crisis which overwhelmed Henry's kingship in 1263 had thus been brewing for over twenty years and was the direct result of his own policies. Linked to this, the article will suggest that Henry's very introduction of the Savoyards to England was profoundly damaging to his kingship in both foreign and domestic policy and was symptomatic of the broader failure of his rule.
The seventeenth ‘Thirteenth Century England’ conference, held at Selwyn College, Cambridge in September 2017, explored ‘England in Europe’, and the essays in the present volume, the fruit of the conference, respond to its theme in a variety of ways, ranging over politics, religion and culture. England's role in the politics of Europe was, of course, profoundly reshaped at the start of the thirteenth century by the disintegration of so much of the Angevin Empire. In hindsight, it is easy to view the reign of John as a watershed, marking the start of a turn towards a more ‘insular’ focus in politics and society, especially when one thinks of the internal political crises of Henry III's reign and Edward I's attempts to subject Wales and Scotland to English rule. These essays complicate, in different ways, such an impression. For while some demonstrate the importance of ongoing political entanglements and memories of past connections, others examine how England was absorbed in trends that operated on a European, or at least a western European, scale. The ambitions and policies of both Henry III and Edward I did not stop at the English Channel, while in the other direction flowed ideas, clerics, ambassadors, refugees, mercenaries and occasionally threats.
Henry III himself looms in a number of the contributions as a king playing on the ‘European’ stage, even though he was now forced back on England's resources. Antonia Shacklock's essay shows one way in which the king sought to respond (imaginatively, but with limited eventual success) to his predicament by mobilizing England's holy men, not only the well-known figure of Edward the Confessor but also a larger communion, including other saintly figures from the Anglo-Saxon past. As Henry looked to insular saints to bolster his standing, he was also importing foreign-born relatives and establishing them in England, and Shacklock shows how he sought to enlist his new men in patriotic devotions. In so doing, the king tried to respond to the problem posed by a baronage whose interests were becoming more Anglocentric and whose instincts put them at odds with the king's policies, including his penchant for introducing ‘aliens’ to England's court.
Acute kidney injury leads to worse outcomes following paediatric cardiac surgery. There is a lack of literature focusing on acute kidney injury after the Hybrid stage 1 palliation for single ventricle physiology. Patients undergoing the Hybrid Stage 1, as a primary option, may have a lower incidence of kidney injury than previously reported. When present, kidney injury may increase the risk of post-operative morbidity and mortality.
A retrospective, single centre review was conducted in patients with hypoplastic left heart syndrome who underwent Hybrid Stage 1 from 2008 to 2018. Acute kidney injury was defined as a dichotomous yes (meeting any injury criteria) or no (no injury) utilising two different criteria utilised in paediatrics. The impact of kidney injury on perioperative characteristics and 30-day mortality was analysed.
The incidence of acute kidney injury is 13.4–20.7%, with a severe injury rate of 2.4%. Patients without a prenatal diagnosis of hypoplastic left heart syndrome have a higher incidence of kidney injury than those prenatally diagnosed, (40% versus 14.5%, p = 0.024). Patients with acute kidney injury have a significantly higher incidence of 30-day mortality, 27.3%, compared to without, 5.6% (p = 0.047).
The incidence of severe acute kidney injury after the Hybrid Stage 1 palliation is low. A prenatal diagnosis may be associated with a lower incidence of kidney injury following the Hybrid Stage 1. Though uncommon, severe acute kidney injury following Hybrid Stage 1 may be associated with higher 30-day mortality.
I compare and contrast the properties of uninflecting words such as almost, and uninflectable words such as the indeclinable Russian noun kenguru ‘kangaroo’ or the German adjective rosa ‘pink’, which behave like ordinary nouns/adjectives syntactically, but lack the expected inflectional forms. I relate such lexically uninflectable lexemes to the case of inflectable lexemes in constructions which do not permit inflected forms, such as the noun-head noun position in English N-N compounds, or the German predicative adjective (constructional uninflectability). Uninflecting words raise the question of what it is exactly that gets lexically inserted into syntactic representations. I provide a uniform solution to all these questions by appealing to Stump's distinction between content and form paradigms. Uninflecting lexemes have neither type of paradigm; uninflectable lexemes have a content but no form paradigm; construction uninflectability specifies that both content and form paradigms are bypassed. Lexical insertion of a lexeme lacking, or constructionally deprived of, a form paradigm is defined by a maximally general Default Exponence Principle: 'use the root form'. This approach solves all the descriptive and conceptual problems outlined above.
WHILE Edward's place among the more successful of England's medieval monarchs has remained secure since the above lines were penned in the aftermath of his death in 1307, his reputation among scholars of medieval England has to some extent waxed and waned. Bishop Stubbs, the leading English medieval historian of the late nineteenth century, had no doubt of Edward's greatness; and for the ‘Whig’ school of history, his reign represented the pinnacle of English constitutional achievement in the Middle Ages (a characterisation accurately skewered by Sellar and Yeatman's chapter on Edward, headed ‘A Strong King’). Edward's work, Stubbs argued:
was crowned with the success that patience, wisdom, and faith amply deserve, and his share in the result is that of the direction of national growth and adaptation of the means and design of government to the consolidation and conscious exercise of national strength. He saw what was best for his age and his people; he led the way and kept the faith.
Edward's reputation remained high in the early twentieth century, though Frederick Tout was less forgiving of the king's autocratic tendencies than was Stubbs.5 His standing reached its zenith, however, under the admiring gaze of Maurice Powicke, who had been taught by Tout in Manchester before working alongside him there in the 1920s, though it was during his time in Oxford that he began to write extensively on the thirteenth century. Both Henry III and the Lord Edward (1947) and The Thirteenth Century (1953) saw Powicke describe Edward in glowing terms:
He lived intensely in conformity with the ideas and tendencies of his time, and found independence in applying them with vigour and precision. He was autocratic not in opposition to them but in full accordance with them … considering how busy he was, how incessant were the calls on his judgement, and how much self-seeking and conflicts of interest lay beneath the discipline of daily routine in every form of the life about him, he was a very great king.
Structural brain abnormalities have been described in autism but studies are often small and contradictory. We aimed to identify which brain regions can reliably be regarded as different in autism compared to healthy controls.
A systematic search was conducted for magnetic resonance imaging studies of regional brain size in autism. Data were extracted and combined using random effects meta-analysis. The modifying effects of age and IQ were investigated using meta-regression.
The total brain, cerebral hemispheres, cerebellum and caudate nucleus were increased in volume, whereas the corpus callosum area was reduced. There was evidence for a modifying effect of age and IQ on the cerebellar vermal lobules VI–VII and for age on the amygdala.
Autism may result from abnormalities in specific brain regions and a global lack of integration due to brain enlargement. Inconsistencies in the literature partly relate to differences in the age and IQ of study populations. Some regions may show abnormal growth trajectories.