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This article considers the existence of a distinctive form of fundamentalism in the northern-Irish province of Ulster. It does so by examining the Protestant minorities that grew significantly in the decades after the Ulster revival of 1859. These evangelical others are important because their members were more likely to have fundamentalist tendencies than those who belonged to the main Protestant churches. The existing scholarship on fundamentalism in Northern Ireland focuses on Ian Paisley (1926–2014), who was a life-long adversary of Irish republican separatism and a self-identified fundamentalist. Yet, the focus on Paisley draws attention away from the potential origin of fundamentalism in the early twentieth century that is associated with religious revival in the early 1920s and the heresy trial of a “modernist” Presbyterian professor in 1927. George Marsden's classic study defined fundamentalism as an American phenomenon, yet, with Paisley and developments in the 1920s in mind, he noted that “Ulster appears to be an exception.”1 To what extent was that true? Was there a constituency of potential fundamentalists in the north of Ireland in the early twentieth century? If there was, did the social and political circumstances of the region and period produce a distinctive Ulster variety of fundamentalism?
This article explores the religious response of one neglected writer to the evolutionary philosophy of Herbert Spencer. William Todd Martin was a minister of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland and in 1887 published The Evolution Hypothesis: A Criticism of the New Cosmic Philosophy. The work demonstrates the essentially contested nature of “evolution” and “creation” by showing how a self-confessed creationist could affirm an evolutionary understanding of the natural world and species transformation. Martin's approach reflected a transatlantic Presbyterian worldview that saw the harmony of science and religion on the basis of Calvinism, Baconianism and Scottish Common Sense philosophy. Martin's critique is also relevant to issues that continue to animate philosophers of science and religion, including the connections between mind and matter, morality and consciousness in a Darwinian framework, and the relationship between subjective conscious experience and evolutionary physicalism. Martin was able to anticipate these debates because his critique was essentially philosophical and theological rather than biological and biblicist.
The American evangelist Dwight L. Moody visited Ulster on three occasions – 1874, 1883 and 1892 – and his modern, respectable version of revivalism offered a welcome alternative to the ambiguous legacy of the 1859 Ulster revival. Moody stimulated an outpouring of interdenominational activism and may have contributed to a fundamentalist impulse amongst Evangelicals. His legacy in Ulster, as elsewhere, was to energise Evangelicals but at the expense of weakening the ability, perhaps even the desire, of church members to adhere to denominational principles. In that sense, both so-called ‘fundamentalists’ and ‘modernists’ in Northern Ireland in the 1920s were Moody's heirs.
Cognitive behavior therapy (CBT) is effective for most patients with a social anxiety disorder (SAD) but a substantial proportion fails to remit. Experimental and clinical research suggests that enhancing CBT using imagery-based techniques could improve outcomes. It was hypothesized that imagery-enhanced CBT (IE-CBT) would be superior to verbally-based CBT (VB-CBT) on pre-registered outcomes.
Methods
A randomized controlled trial of IE-CBT v. VB-CBT for social anxiety was completed in a community mental health clinic setting. Participants were randomized to IE (n = 53) or VB (n = 54) CBT, with 1-month (primary end point) and 6-month follow-up assessments. Participants completed 12, 2-hour, weekly sessions of IE-CBT or VB-CBT plus 1-month follow-up.
Results
Intention to treat analyses showed very large within-treatment effect sizes on the social interaction anxiety at all time points (ds = 2.09–2.62), with no between-treatment differences on this outcome or clinician-rated severity [1-month OR = 1.45 (0.45, 4.62), p = 0.53; 6-month OR = 1.31 (0.42, 4.08), p = 0.65], SAD remission (1-month: IE = 61.04%, VB = 55.09%, p = 0.59); 6-month: IE = 58.73%, VB = 61.89%, p = 0.77), or secondary outcomes. Three adverse events were noted (substance abuse, n = 1 in IE-CBT; temporary increase in suicide risk, n = 1 in each condition, with one being withdrawn at 1-month follow-up).
Conclusions
Group IE-CBT and VB-CBT were safe and there were no significant differences in outcomes. Both treatments were associated with very large within-group effect sizes and the majority of patients remitted following treatment.
from
PART I
-
Geography, Occupations and Social Classes
By
Andrew R. Holmes, Lecturer in Modern Irish History, Queen's University Belfast,
Eugenio F. Biagini, Professor of Modern and Contemporary History in the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College Cambridge
The Protestants of Ireland are a complex community, made so by social, denominational, political, economic and geographical factors. Since the early seventeenth century, there have been tensions between, on the one hand, Church of Ireland Protestants in the south, the self-styled natural leaders of Ireland with their ties to the land and the state, and, on the other, Presbyterian-dominated Ulster with its tenant farmers, industrial character and often cantankerous disposition. Of course, this simplistic dichotomy obscures social and economic divisions within both communities and the numerically small but dynamic subculture of Protestant churches and sects that have contributed much to the development of the island. Given its often bewildering variety, historians have struggled to describe the complexity of this group.
Confessional State, Enlightenment and Rebellion, 1740–1800
Ireland in the 1740s, according to S. J. Connolly, was an ancien régime society in which religious inequalities were inseparable from social hierarchy and landownership. The dominance of the members of the established episcopal Church of Ireland was predicated on the rights of landed property, not the rights of numbers. The religious allegiance of the Irish population had been determined in the previous century by population movements rather than conversion. Three-quarters to four-fifths of the population were Catholic and though various Protestants were at certain times compelled to make common cause, Irish religious divisions were not simply binary – tensions between Protestants were as important and contributed to the remarkable events of 1798 when Presbyterian rebels in Ulster joined with Catholic insurgents in the south to overthrow in part the political, social and economic ascendancy of episcopal Protestants. The confessional divisions expressed during the Williamite wars had largely subsided by the 1740s. The Age of Reason had cooled somewhat the religious temperature of the previous century, though it was the ‘good behaviour’ of Irish Catholics during the Jacobite risings of 1715 and 1745 that is perhaps more important. The penal laws played their part, but those against Catholic religious practice quickly entered abeyance whereas those concerned with landownership were rigorously enforced.
One of the most important developments in nineteenth-century Ireland was the so-called transformation of Presbyterians in Ulster from United Irish rebels in 1798 to loyalists in 1885. According to W. E. H. Lecky, ‘the defection of the Presbyterians from the movement of which they were the main originators, and the great and enduring change which took place in their sentiments …are facts of the deepest importance in Irish history and deserve very careful and detailed examination’. It is often stated that this process was facilitated by the rise of evangelicalism, which forged Protestant unity between Presbyterians and their erstwhile enemy the Church of Ireland on the basis of conversionist religion and anti-Catholicism. The key individual in this movement was Henry Cooke, the dominant figure in nineteenth-century Presbyterianism who gained fame as the champion of Trinitarian orthodoxy within the Synod of Ulster in the late 1820s. The connection between conservative evangelical religion and conservative politics was asserted by his principal Arian adversary, Henry Montgomery, who was proud that his two brothers were United Irishmen, though he strongly objected to armed rebellion. Writing in 1847, Montgomery claimed that the natural Presbyterian love of civil and religious liberty had been repudiated by Cooke and the ‘miserable, priest-led Calvinist Presbyterians’ of the lower orders who now swelled the ranks of the Orange Order. Many modern historians have followed the same line of interpretation. For instance, K.A. Miller has referred to ‘the hegemony of Rev. Henry Cooke and others who led their people into the Unionist alliance with Anglican proprietors, evangelicalism, and the Orange Order’.
Yet the relationship between Presbyterian evangelicalism, politics, and loyalty was complex and contingent. Three points are worth emphasising. First, care must be taken when describing the connection between political affiliation and religious outlook. This essay demonstrates that there were a number of possible relationships between religion and politics that depended upon particular circumstances. For instance, Presbyterians may have been at the forefront of radical politics in the 1790s, but the clear majority were opposed to the rebellion and supported reform through lawful means. Furthermore, though Cooke was a Peelite Conservative, he, along with the overwhelming majority of Presbyterian ministers, was not an Orangeman and nor was ‘Conservative’ necessarily a synonym for ‘Orange’ in the nineteenth century. Second, the majority of Presbyterian ministers disagreed with Cooke’s conflation of evangelicalism and conservative politics.
The Protestant portion of the population of the north of Ireland experienced an extraordinary outburst of religious fervour in 1859. This article provides a critical overview of some of the interpretations of the revival offered by scholars and suggests a number of hitherto ignored themes under three headings: causes, controversies and consequences. The first section moves beyond questions of social and economic determinism to outline the sense of expectancy for revival that was created through the Evangelical reform movement amongst Presbyterians in the north of Ireland. The second considers the controversies of the revival, especially the various physical phenomena that accompanied some conversions, and the Evangelical critique of the revival offered by William McIlwaine and Isaac Nelson. The final section shows how the revival consolidated religious identities in Ulster and contributed to obscuring the dominance of conservative Evangelicalism within the Presbyterian Church.
The links between Presbyterians in Scotland and the north of Ireland are obvious but have been largely ignored by historians of the nineteenth century. This article addresses this gap by showing how Ulster Presbyterians considered their relationship with their Scottish co-religionists and how they used the interplay of religious and ethnic considerations this entailed to articulate an Ulster Scots identity. For Presbyterians in Ireland, their Scottish origins and identity represented a collection of ideas that could be deployed at certain times for specific reasons – theological orthodoxy, civil and religious liberty, and certain character traits such as hard work, courage, and soberness. Ideas about the Scottish identity of Presbyterianism were reawakened for a more general audience in the first half of the nineteenth century, during the campaign for religious reform and revival within the Irish church, and were expressed through a distinctive denominational historiography inaugurated by James Seaton Reid. The formulation of a coherent narrative of Presbyterian religion and the improvement of Ulster laid the religious foundations of a distinct Ulster Scots identity and its utilization by unionist opponents of Home Rule between 1885 and 1914.