The strategy of structural reforms in practice is the object of this final chapter. As an example, the history of the first centre-left government in Italy in the 1960s is considered, with reforms concerning the nationalization of the electricity sector, the reform of the secondary schools, universal wealth assistance, pension reform, the workers statute expanding workers rights, etc. A worldwide stage of retreat followed the fall of the Bretton Woods system and the affirmation of neoliberal governments in key countries (Thatcher in the UK, Reagan in the USA). The negative consequences and the shaky theoretical foundations of neoliberalism are illustrated. A renewed strategy of structural reforms is proposed, both in an international dimension and with specific reference to the case of Italy.

Various notions of the state are considered, with its origins and the limits set to its importance by globalization; among them, Webers thesis of the state as characterized by the monopoly of legitimate force, and Marxs theory of the state as an instrument of class power. Rousseaus theory of the social contract (and its implications) is contrasted to Humes notion of tacit consent. The ordoliberal idea of the necessity of a legal construction of the market is contrasted to Hayeks theory of a spontaneous order (grown order rather than made order). Issues of personal security (police) and the administration of justice are discussed, then national defence and military power. The notion (and limits) of the state as a countervailing power to economic power is then considered, with specific attention to the welfare state (and national differences in its realization) and to types of regulation (connected to the notion of different kinds of capitalism).

The chapter concerns the various aspects of a capitalist market economy. The stages of development of capitalism are recalled: primitive accumulation, merchant capitalism, manufacturing capitalism. Managerial capitalism (Berle and Means, Marris) assigns a central role to managers in the (hierarchic) power structure of the firm. Oligopoly (analysed through Sylos Labinis notion of the barriers to entry) and not competition is the dominant market form in this stage. Interlocking shareholdings and interlocking directorship then connect banks and companies in widespread power structures. The financialization of the economy leads then to the dominance of money managers, with a shorter time horizon and different priorities.

A distinction between left and right policies is proposed, based on the opposition between the aim of a reduction of power inequalities in society and their acceptance as unavoidable if not useful. The objective of absolute equality is criticized. The complex nature of the notion of equality is illustrated recalling Sens notion of capabilities. Progress, interpreted as a reduction in power inequalities within society, is possible, but not a necessary historical outcome. It requires active policies, organized in a strategy of structural reform.

The chapter is devoted to the relationship between power and the cultural arena. The importance of public discourse, its requirements and limits, is illustrated. Gramscis notions of hegemony and dominance are applied, with modifications, to our analysis of power. The role of the masses is discussed, together with the notion of totalitarianism and the importance of culture in dictatorial regimes such as the fascist and Nazi ones. Different notions of civil society, as contrasted to the state, and its role are considered, then religion as a charismatic-traditional form of power. Technocratic knowledge leads to a discussion of the role of the elites. Specialization is counterposed to general culture, recalling the debate on the two cultures (literary culture and social culture, Snow) or the three cultures (also including the humanities) and the importance of interdisciplinary culture and research. Positive and negative aspects of the new social media (Blogs, Twitter, WhatsApp, etc.) are illustrated, with cautions against the risks of corruption of the social discourse.

The chapter considers the different levels of power, starting with the family and the extended family (the clan) and the local articulations of the state (communes, provinces, regions). The federalist state (a lively tradition in Italy, since Cattaneo) is opposed to the centralist state (the French Napoleonic model). In the globalized economy, multinational enterprises play an important role, occasionally up to the point of conditioning statal policies; the attitude towards them changes over time. State confederations, such as the European Union, and alliances, such as NATO, are also important. Political confrontations in the international arena involve different elements, from the traditional East–West opposition to the so-called clash of civilizations (i.e. religions). Migrations are also considered. The evolution of the international monetary system and the growing role of the European Union are also illustrated.

After evaluating the different elements explaining the power structure, the final chapters of the book are devoted to policy strategies. As an introduction to these, the chapter considers ethical issues: the individual-society opposition, the notion of the common good, the debate concerning the notion of justice (deontological versus consequentialist conceptions, meritocratic versus equalitarian views, equality of starting points versus equality of points of arrival), the different notions of freedom (such as positive versus negative freedom. Rossellis liberal socialism is illustrated, together with Croces criticism. Finally, a distinction is drawn between fanciful and realistic utopias.

Positive and negative aspects of meritocracy are evaluated, together with the difficulties of realizing it in practice. The notion and the theory of networks are recalled. White (fully legal, socially useful), gray (legal, but morally doubtful) and black (illegal) networks are distinguished. Various examples of networks are considered: the family, associations (cultural, religious, political, sports etc.), mason lodges (among the grey networks) including a deviant secret lodge as the P2 in Italy (the nature of which is illustrated), criminal clans and mafia-type associations (a synthetic history of the mafia is provided).

Smiths analysis of the relationship between division of labour and the wealth of nations interpreted as per capita income is illustrated, through their connection with productivity. The division of labour also explains the existence and characteristics of social stratification and alienation. The classical tripartition in social classes – capitalists, landlords and workers – is discussed, considering both its explanatory value and its limits. Division of labour evolves through time: Babbages laws, Taylorism, the production chain, mechanization. The international division of labour and international value chains are considered. Marxs communist utopia with the disappearance of compulsory labour is recalled and confronted with less unrealistic utopias concerning the command structure within the firm or Ernesto Rossis labour army.

This brief chapter illustrates the object of the book: to analyse the various dimensions of the notion of power (economic, political, cultural etc.). It also outlines the contents of the book and its political objective, the strategy of structural reforms aimed at reducing inequalities in the social distribution of power.

A brief illustration of past interpretations of power is followed by alternative definitions of power as differential of potential, as barrier to entry, as relative weight. Webers ideal types of power (legal, traditional, charismatic) are combined with the main areas of power (economy, politics, culture) in a scheme for attempting a characterization of different societies and their evolution in time. Cumulative processes and balancing processes in the evolution over time of the distribution of power in society are then considered.