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The lynching literature often considers how the Populist Party affected lynching, yet the Southern Farmers’ Alliance—a short-lived but influential voluntary association that mobilized large numbers of white farmers—is overlooked. We argue that this is a critical oversight, as the Alliance was the origin of populism in the South. Specifically, we hypothesize that where the Alliance had more local organizations, the greater the likelihood of lynching from 1888 to 1895, the peak period of populism. To test this, we focus on two states with different experiences with the Alliance: North Carolina, in which the state’s Alliance was a strong supporter of the Populist Party, and South Carolina, where the Democrats sought to court Alliancemen and deter the creation of, and voting for, the Populist Party. Our empirical findings reveal that lynchings were more common in counties where the Farmers’ Alliance had more organizations in South Carolina, but no similar connection exists in North Carolina. These findings suggest that the Southern Farmers’ Alliance is, at times, pivotal to understanding populism’s connection to lynching in the late-nineteenth century American South.
Scholars and journalists connect pandemics to a rise in support for radical political movements. In this study, we draw on this insight to investigate the relationship between the 1918–1919 Spanish influenza pandemic and political extremism—here, the rise of the second Ku Klux Klan—in the United States. Specifically, we ask whether U.S. states and cities with higher death rates from the Spanish flu also had stronger Ku Klux Klan organizations in the early 1920s. Our results do not provide evidence of such a connection; in fact, the data suggest greater Klan membership where the pandemic was less severe. This provides initial evidence that pandemic severity, as measured by mortality, is not necessarily a cause of extremism in the United States; power devaluation as a result of social and cultural change, however, does appear to spur such mobilization.
Relatively little is known about how late nineteenth-century associations worked to get their policy goals adopted by state governments. We study this question here, considering the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and three policies it supported: scientific temperance instruction, increasing the age of consent, and prohibiting tobacco sales to minors. Overall, WCTU-supported legislation was more likely to succeed in states with unified Republican state legislatures, aided by neighboring state adoptions (scientific temperance) and greater WCTU membership (increasing age of consent and prohibiting tobacco sales to minors). These findings are supported by historical evidence, which reveals how WCTU leadership targeted particular states when lobbying for scientific temperance instruction laws and utilized its broad membership base to pressure state legislatures on the other two issues. In total, these results show how one late nineteenth-century membership group was able to facilitate the successful spread of its policies throughout the nation.
To ensure that the PPE guidance is strictly adhered to.
To ensure that patient care is not compromised.
To help us in areas of need in order to educate the staff regarding the techniques of PPE and thus ensure patient and staff safety and care during the pandemic.
Novel coronavirus 2019 was first described in December 2019 in Wuhan in China. Since those initial few cases, it has rapidly proliferated to a global pandemic, putting an inordinate amount of strain on healthcare systems around the world. We believe that the technique of donning and doffing if followed as per PHE guidelines would be of help in both preventing the infection and improve the care and safety of both patients and staff.
This Audit includes both In-patient and Out-patient units in Psychiatric services across North Wales. Data were collected from 19 units out of 39. We observed covertly 325 staff members belonging to various cadres. Apart from the Donning and Doffing techniques, we also observed the availability of designated areas for this purpose and the availability of PPE as well.
Data collection was by junior and senior doctors from various sites of the mental health unit in North Wales. A proforma was provided, the standards were based on PHE guidelines.
It was noted that just about 50% of the staff followed donning as per guidance. Amongst all three sites, the Central team showed a better adherence with 85% of them donning PPE correctly. whereas only 22% adhered to donning in the West team.
Only 21% of them managed to doff PPE as per guidance amongst all 3 centres in North Wales.
It was also noted that there are no designated areas to Don and Doff in outpatient units. Staff, in general, seem to not adhere to the guidance of utilising a mask, especially when within 2 meters distance of other staff.
We will be presenting the Audit at the regional meeting. After discussion with the infection prevention control team and Health and safety lead, we intend to improvise the wards with designated areas for donning and doffing. Teaching sessions for the staff in all three sites, reminders in various areas of the community mental health units and inpatient units.
We are hoping that these recommendations will help us in achieving our aim of health and safety during this pandemic.
This study examined post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms in 13 049 survivors of suspected or confirmed COVID-19, from the UK general population, as a function of severity and hospital admission status. Compared with mild COVID-19, significantly elevated rates of PTSD symptoms were identified in those requiring medical support at home (effect size 0.178 s.d., P = 0.0316), those requiring hospital admission without ventilation (effect size 0.234 s.d., P = 0.0064) and those requiring hospital admission with ventilator support (effect size 0.454 s.d., P < 0.001). Intrusive images were the most prominent elevated symptom. Adequate psychiatric provision for such individuals will be of paramount importance.
This article evaluates the policy positions of President James Buchanan through the concept of latent opinion, or politicians worrying less about current public opinion and more about what it will be at the next election. Though Buchanan is often viewed as disconnected from the public’s opinions, the evidence shows that his positions on Kansas statehood and the acquisition of Cuba (or Mexican territory) were shaped by his perceptions of, and concerns over, what future public opinion would be in 1860. Though Buchanan was ultimately unsuccessful on both fronts, this study reveals that he was not simply unresponsive to public opinion, which is the common interpretation. Instead, the president’s policy positions were firmly tied to his views on latent opinion. Thus, the findings add a new dimension to scholarly understandings of James Buchanan’s policy priorities while displaying how latent opinion can be a beneficial construct in policy history.
The rise of voluntary associations in the late nineteenth century has received significant scholarly attention over the last few decades. Some studies argue that modernization facilitates group formation, but other analyses (e.g., Crowley and Skocpol 2001; Gamm and Putnam 1999) find little support for the argument that modernization caused group formation. Here, we extend this debate to the study of the strength of state-level, voluntary associations with clear political objectives. Using state-level dues paid to national organizations as a measure of group strength, we find evidence that more modernized states typically had the strongest state-level organizations in the 1880s and 1890s. These empirical findings lend support to the modernization thesis but also suggest that group formation and strength may be explained by different processes.
Excoriation (skin-picking) disorder (SPD) is a relatively common
psychiatric condition whose neurobiological basis is unknown.
To probe the function of fronto-striatal circuitry in SPD.
Eighteen participants with SPD and 15 matched healthy controls undertook
an executive planning task (Tower of London) during functional magnetic
resonance imaging (fMRI). Activation during planning was compared between
groups using region of interest and whole-brain permutation cluster
The SPD group exhibited significant functional underactivation in a
cluster encompassing bilateral dorsal striatum (maximal in right
caudate), bilateral anterior cingulate and right medial frontal regions.
These abnormalities were, for the most part, outside the dorsal planning
network typically activated by executive planning tasks.
Abnormalities of neural regions involved in habit formation, action
monitoring and inhibition appear involved in the pathophysiology of SPD.
Implications exist for understanding the basis of excessive grooming and
the relationship of SPD with putative obsessive–compulsive spectrum
The development of the Republican Party is a significant event in American political history. While scholars describe its formation as a realignment caused by the slavery issue, this article reinterprets this perspective. Focusing on gubernatorial elections in New England from 1840 to the mid-1850s, I present evidence that the rise of the Republican Party in the region was due to a lack of strategic voting coupled with third-party, antislavery voting that did not consistently affect the Whigs across states. A counterfactual argument suggests that Whig elites would have sought to change the nature of party politics and, had the distribution of third-party voting affected the Whigs similarly across states, then the Republicans may not have formed. Thus, the distribution of antislavery, third-party voting was more important than the presence of antislavery sentiment. This finding is important for understanding American party development and how strategic voting fits into the study of US elections.
This article seeks to uncover reasons behind the relatively high levels of third-party voting found at the state level in the early- to mid-1800s. I argue that third parties needed to develop localized bases of support from which they could expand. By analyzing Liberty Party gubernatorial voting in Vermont during the 1840s, the article shows that the party developed support in particular towns, maintained this over election cycles, and spread the party message to neighboring towns after the creation of a formal party organization. I also find that towns with strong Liberty Party support in the early 1840s continued to be strong supporters of the Free Soil Party in the 1850s. I then present evidence that early bases of Liberty Party support tended to vote at much higher levels for the Republican Party in 1855, indicating that the geographic development of an abolitionist party in the early 1840s helped in the establishment of Republican success in Vermont. These findings highlight the importance of geographic context in the development of third-party voting in the early- to mid-1800s and its connection to the rise of the Republican Party.
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