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Renal cancer is responsible for over 100,000 yearly deaths and is principally discovered in computed tomography (CT) scans of the abdomen. CT screening would likely increase the rate of early renal cancer detection, and improve general survival rates, but it is expected to have a prohibitively high financial cost. Given recent advances in artificial intelligence (AI), it may be possible to reduce the cost of CT analysis and enable CT screening by automating the radiological tasks that constitute the early renal cancer detection pipeline. This review seeks to facilitate further interdisciplinary research in early renal cancer detection by summarising our current knowledge across AI, radiology, and oncology and suggesting useful directions for future novel work. Initially, this review discusses existing approaches in automated renal cancer diagnosis, and methods across broader AI research, to summarise the existing state of AI cancer analysis. Then, this review matches these methods to the unique constraints of early renal cancer detection and proposes promising directions for future research that may enable AI-based early renal cancer detection via CT screening. The primary targets of this review are clinicians with an interest in AI and data scientists with an interest in the early detection of cancer.
This article presents two case-study examples of the discursive chronotopes by which domestic waste is organized as a linguistic, spatial, and temporal configuration. Marked by their liminality and temporal laminations, curbside garbage collection and secondhand/thrift shops are major sociomaterial practices in Switzerland. The three discursive chronotopes we address in these contexts are those concerned with regulation, repression, and (re)valuation. By focusing on the temporalities of waste, we complicate how linguistic landscape research typically conceives of, and approaches, both space and language. The language of waste is not always visible or even expressed. Indeed, waste is often deliberately rendered invisible—under the cover of darkness, behind closed doors, sent elsewhere—and thereby functions as an act of discursive suppression. For these reasons, we endorse a hauntological approach to linguistic landscapes. (Waste, linguistic landscape, discursive chronotope, temporal lamination, hauntology)*
Determining accurate capital requirements is a central activity across the life insurance industry. This is computationally challenging and often involves the acceptance of proxy errors that directly impact capital requirements. Within simulation-based capital models, where proxies are being used, capital estimates are approximations that contain both statistical and proxy errors. Here, we show how basic error analysis combined with targeted exact computation can entirely eliminate proxy errors from the capital estimate. Consideration of the possible ordering of losses, combined with knowledge of their error bounds, identifies an important subset of scenarios. When these scenarios are calculated exactly, the resulting capital estimate can be made devoid of proxy errors. Advances in the handling of proxy errors improve the accuracy of capital requirements.
It is only in fairly recent philosophy that psychological self-knowledge has come to be seen as problematical; once upon a time the hardest philosophical difficulties all seemed to attend our knowledge of others. But as philosophers have canvassed various models of the mental that would make knowledge of other minds less intractable, so it has become unobvious how to accommodate what once seemed evident and straightforward – the wide and seemingly immediate cognitive dominion of minds over themselves.
In around 1912 Gabriel Jouveau-Dubreuil, a young science teacher from French colonial Pondicherry in South India, visited the nearby town of Cuddalore in order to inspect the construction of a new Hindu temple. Since arriving in South India in 1909 he had been travelling to many temples and archaeological sites in order to understand the history of South Indian art. The modern temple that he visited in a suburb of Cuddalore at Tiruppappuliyur was not in fact new but a wholesale renovation of a nine-hundred-year-old shrine on a site sacred to Tamil Shaivas. This was just one of the many temples substantially rebuilt from the 1890s to the 1930s under the patronage of a wealthy merchant community, the Nattukkottai Chettiars, at a time of religious revival and growing Tamil cultural nationalism. The Nattukkottai Chettiars came from the villages and towns of Chettinadu, an arid region in southern Madras Presidency. This region was significant not only for being the provenance of the most prolific patrons of South Indian temple architecture in colonial Madras Presidency but also their builders, for many of the architects and craftsmen working on the temple at Tiruppappuliyur were from villages in Chettinadu. One of these men, M. S. Swaminathan of Pillaiyarpatti, was Jouveau-Dubreuil’s chief informant, one of the many ‘natives’ who were a critical and inextricable element of colonial knowledge production. The understanding of formal composition and terminology that Jouveau-Dubreuil learnt from contemporary architects and craftsmen and his observations of the evolution of architectural design contributed towards the first study of the Tamil temple for both a scholarly and wider public audience from the very earliest monuments of the seventh century through to those currently under construction. This article explores this architectural ‘renaissance’ in colonial Madras Presidency under Chettiar patronage and evaluates modern temple design through the pioneering scholarship of Jouveau-Dubreuil and his contemporaries.
Serpentinization of ultramafic rocks in the sea and on land leads to the generation of alkaline fluids rich in molecular hydrogen (H2) and methane (CH4) that favour the formation of carbonate mineralization, such as veins in the sub-seafloor, seafloor carbonate chimneys and terrestrial hyperalkaline spring deposits. Examples of this type of seawater–rock interaction and the formation of serpentinization-derived carbonates in a shallow-marine environment are scarce, and almost entirely lacking in the geological record. Here we present evidence for serpentinization-induced fluid seepage in shallow-marine sedimentary rocks from the Upper Cretaceous (upper Campanian to lower Maastrichtian) Qahlah Formation at Jebel Huwayyah, United Arab Emirates. The research object is a metre-scale structure (the Jebel Huwayyah Mound) formed of calcite-cemented sand grains, which formed a positive seafloor feature. The Jebel Huwayyah Mound contains numerous vertically orientated fluid conduits containing two main phases of calcite cement. We use C and O stable isotopes and elemental composition to reconstruct the fluids from which these cements precipitated and infer that the fluids consisted of variable mixtures of seawater and fluids derived from serpentinization of the underlying Semail Ophiolite. Based on their negative δ13C values, hardgrounds in the same section as the Jebel Huwayyah Mound may also have had a similar origin. The Jebel Huwayyah Mound shows that serpentinization of the Semail Ophiolite by seawater occurred very soon after obduction and marine transgression, a process that continued through to the Miocene, and, with interaction of meteoric water, up to the present day.
America's first urban centers may have been located in the Supe Valley, Peru. After investigating the location and the orientation of the main built structures, we show that it is not only the presence of the Supe River that determines their orientation but also that astronomical relationships within the orientation of the buildings dictate their setting within the valley. The southernmost position of moonrise on the horizon seems to be the most important astronomical target. There is the possibility of a trend toward attributing greater importance to the June solstice sunrise and the rising of certain stars or asterisms. These orientations could relate to specific moments throughout the year, in particular to seasonal rains, subsequent river flooding, and agricultural cycles. This is one of the earliest examples of the interaction of land- and skyscapes in human cultures and indeed the first in the Americas.
By definition, the North Caucasus refers to the area lying north of the Caucasus Mountains and stretching from the Black Sea in the west to the Caspian Sea in the east. Today, this region of the Russian Federation encompasses Rostov oblast, the Krasnodar and Stavropol krais, and the republics of Adygea, Karachaevo-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria, North Ossetia, Ingushetia, Chechnya, and Dagestan. This volume covers only those areas that fell under World War II Nazi German occupation, which stopped short of Chechnya and lasted, with some local variation, for around five months, from summer 1942 until early 1943. We also touch on events in occupied Kalmykia, insofar as it was part of the same wave of German advance and killing operations.
Here we address a topic—the Holocaust—that might at first glance seem foreign to the Caucasian mosaic. After all, with all the ethnic and religious heterogeneity of the Caucasian population, Jews have never figured prominently. Their destruction was carried out by a foreign power bent on realizing its ideas everywhere, irrespective of local circumstances. In fact, in terms of sheer numbers and the relatively condensed time and place, the Holocaust in the North Caucasus seems to pale in significance next to the many violent events that befell and continue to befall this region. Suffice it to remember the most prominent among them. In the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries, the long Russian-Caucasian war ended in Russian victory in 1864 and was followed by the mass expulsion of the Circassian people. The twentieth century saw the fighting between the Bolsheviks and their numerous adversaries during the Civil War, the Soviet de-Cossackization campaign of the 1920s and 1930s, famine and collectivization in the 1930s, and, after the German occupation, the deportations of several non-Russian ethnic groups (in particular, the Balkars, Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks, and Karachais) from the region in 1943–44. More recently, the two Chechen wars began in the 1990s and continued into the early twenty-first century. In and of themselves, some of these events have been cited as examples of ethnic cleansing or genocide by both local and Western scholars, although this is not a position shared by most Russian scholarship.
It was August 1942. Traveling desperately for two weeks by horse and cart, Leonid Zozovskii's family made a last-ditch attempt to escape the approaching Germans on an unforgiving mountain road in the Karachai region of the North Caucasus:
You could hear rifle and machine-gun fire as we were going along the road…. Some people overtook us. A car went by with some soldiers in it. But I remember we’d been told the day before we had to get through the mountains. Carts wouldn't make it, so we had to load up the horses. Somehow we were supposed to get through with the horses all loaded up. A total fantasy—why we went on, I don't know…. It started getting dark. We didn't come to a dead end. The mountains were simply too steep and the horses stopped. We tried to goad them on with some food, some hay, but they refused to go any further. So there we were in the middle of the road—on one side a river, on the other mountains— and that's where we stopped.
The German advance reached the region on the 13th–14th of the month. A week later, a unit of the “Edelweiss” division dramatically placed the Nazi flag on top of Elbrus, considered the highest mountain in Europe, and by early September the Germans had captured all the major passes of the northwest Caucasus Mountains. Hastily formed Soviet partisan groups assisted the Red Army's retreat, but, poorly coordinated and supplied, they were soon destroyed by the Germans with the help of collaborating local militias. By late September, however, the German advance had stalled because of supply problems and fuel shortages, the arrival of Soviet reinforcements, and the onset of winter, which rendered the mountain roads impassable. By the same token, the refugees were also stuck, only a few miles from safety.
As brief background of this historical region, Karachai is located in the mountains and valleys northwest of Mount Elbrus. Today it is part of Karachaevo-Cherkessia—a constituent republic of Russia, bordering Georgia to the south. In 1942, the area was known as the Karachai autonomous oblast, an ethnoterritorial region of the Soviet Union designated by the authorities for its indigenous people, the Karachais.