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We discuss whole-child development, learning, and thriving through a dynamic systems theory lens that focuses on the United States and includes an analysis of historical challenges in the American public education system, including inequitable resources, opportunities, and outcomes. To transform US education systems, developmental and learning scientists, educators, policymakers, parents, and communities must apply the knowledge they have today to 1. challenge the assumptions and goals that drove the design of the current US education system, 2. articulate a revised, comprehensive definition of whole-child development, learning, and thriving that accepts rather than simplifies how human beings develop, 3. create a profound paradigm shift in how the purpose of education is described in the context of social, cultural, and political forces, including the impacts of race, privilege, and bias and 4. describe a new dynamic 'language' for measurement of both the academic competencies and the full set of 21st century skills.
XtendFlex® technology from Bayer allows growers to apply glyphosate, glufosinate, and dicamba POST to cotton. Since the evolution and spread of glyphosate-resistant weed species, early POST applications with several modes of action have become common. However, crop injury potential from these applications warrants further examination. Field studies were conducted from 2015 to 2017 at two locations in Mississippi to evaluate XtendFlex® cotton injury from herbicide application. Herbicide applications were made to XtendFlex® cotton at the 3 to 6 leaf stage with herbicide combinations comprised of two, three, and four-way combinations of glyphosate, glufosinate, S-metolachlor, and three formulations of dicamba. Data collection included visual estimations of injury, stand counts, cotton height, total mainstem nodes, and nodes above whiteflower at first bloom. Data collection at the end of the season included cotton height, total mainstem nodes, and nodes above cracked boll. Visual estimations of injury from herbicide applications were highest at 3 days following applications containing glufosinate + S-metolachlor (36 to 41% injury) and glufosinate + S-metolachlor in combination with dicamba + glyphosate (39 to 41% injury), regardless of the dicamba formulation. Crop injury decreased at each rating interval and dissipated by 28 days following applications (p = 0.3748). Height reductions were present at first bloom and at the end of the season (p < 0.0001), although cotton yield was unaffected (p = 0.2089) even when injury at 3 days after treatment (DAA) was greater than 30%. Results indicate that growers may apply a variety of herbicide tank-mixtures to XtendFlex® cotton and expect no yield penalty. Furthermore, if growers are concerned with cotton injury after herbicide applications, the use of glufosinate in combination with S-metolachlor should be approached with caution in XtendFlex® cotton.
Restraint and seclusion were considered a form of treatment but consistently has led to physical and mental injuries to staff and patients. De-escalation has been viewed as a safer option. Understanding which intervention yields decreased injuries, aggression and violence will guide policy and inform practice.
To identify which intervention leads to decreased physical and psychological injury to patients and staff.
The frequency of physical injuries to patients and staff from aggressive patients; frequency of psychological injuries to patients and staff from violent, aggressive incidents; frequency of violence, agitation and aggression; competence of staff at managing aggression and violence were evaluated.
Fourteen studies were included in this review. There are many forms of de-escalation. Studies where techniques were taught to staff, the intervention was effective in decreasing injury in approximately half the studies. De-escalation techniques taught to patients decreased injury in 100% of the studies included in this review.
Consensus on which intervention works best could not be reached, nor is there overwhelming evidence for a particular type of de-escalation better suited for decreasing aggression and violence. Caution should be exercised when choosing a de-escalation technique for implementation in institutions due to lack of regulating agencies that inform practice and standards. In addition, the literature lacks best practices for de-escalation techniques backed by evidence. Restraint and seclusion should be used as a last resort due to inherent risk associated with the intervention.
Understanding the rules and norms that shape the practices of institutional researchers and other data practitioners in regards to student data privacy within higher education could be researched using descriptive methods, which attempt to illustrate what is actually being done in this space. But, we argue that it is also important for practitioners to become reflexive about their practice while they are in the midst of using sensitive data in order to make responsive practical and ethical modulations. To achieve this, we conducted a STIR, or socio-technical integration research. We see in the data, the STIR of a single institutional researcher, some evidence of changes in information flow, reactions to it, and ways of thinking and doing to reestablish privacy-protecting rules-in-use.
We obtain sharp ranges of
-boundedness for domains in a wide class of Reinhardt domains representable as sublevel sets of monomials, by expressing them as quotients of simpler domains. We prove a general transformation law relating
-boundedness on a domain and its quotient by a finite group. The range of p for which the Bergman projection is
-bounded on our class of Reinhardt domains is found to shrink as the complexity of the domain increases.
Research on the lateralizing value of neuropsychological tests is limited among Latino people with epilepsy (PWE). This study aims to evaluate the utility of two confrontation naming measures in laterality determination.
Data were collected from 71 Latino PWE who completed the Vocabulario Sobre Dibujos (VSD) and the Pontón-Satz Modified Boston Naming Test (MBNT). Raw and standardized scores were examined to determine diagnostic accuracy for predicting left hemisphere (LH) epilepsy for the full sample and using a sample-specific median split of educational attainment.
The MBNT demonstrated adequate classification accuracy (65.7%, 77.1%) as did the VSD (54.3%, 74.3%) for predicting LH seizure laterality using raw and standardized scores, respectively. For participants with ≥ 9 years of education (HEdu), receiver operator characteristic curve analyses showed a raw/percentile cutoff of ≤ 26/≤ 5th on the VSD, yielding 53%–58% sensitivity/87%–83% specificity. A raw score cutoff of ≤ 17 on MBNT produced 47% sensitivity/78% specificity for HEdu participants.
The VSD was found to have greater flexibility in determining cutoff scores using either raw or standardized scores for predicting seizure laterality. This study provides interpretation guidance, emphasizing education as a pertinent variable, to optimize lateralization accuracy for Latino PWE.
To determine risk factors for carbapenemase-producing organisms (CPOs) and to determine the prognostic impact of CPOs.
A retrospective matched case–control study.
Inpatients across Scotland in 2010–2016 were included. Patients with a CPO were matched with 2 control groups by hospital, admission date, specimen type, and bacteria. One group comprised patients either infected or colonized with a non-CPO and the other group were general inpatients.
Conditional logistic regression models were used to identify risk factors for CPO infection and colonization, respectively. Mortality rates and length of postisolation hospitalization were compared between CPO and non-CPO patients.
In total, 70 CPO infection cases (with 210 general inpatient controls and 121 non-CPO controls) and 34 CPO colonization cases (with 102 general inpatient controls and 60 non-CPO controls) were identified. Risk factors for CPO infection versus general inpatients were prior hospital stay (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 4.05; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.52–10.78; P = .005), longer hospitalization (aOR, 1.07; 95% CI, 1.04–1.10; P < .001), longer intensive care unit (ICU) stay (aOR, 1.41; 95% CI, 1.01–1.98; P = .045), and immunodeficiency (aOR, 3.68; 95% CI, 1.16–11.66; P = .027). Risk factors for CPO colonization were prior high-dependency unit (HDU) stay (aOR, 11.46; 95% CI, 1.27–103.09; P = .030) and endocrine, nutritional, and metabolic (ENM) diseases (aOR, 3.41; 95% CI, 1.02–11.33; P = .046). Risk factors for CPO infection versus non-CPO infection were prolonged hospitalization (aOR, 1.02; 95% CI, 1.00–1.03; P = .038) and HDU stay (aOR, 1.13; 95% CI, 1.02–1.26; P = .024). No differences in mortality rates were detected between CPO and non-CPO patients. CPO infection was associated with longer hospital stay than non-CPO infection (P = .041).
A history of (prolonged) hospitalization, prolonged ICU or HDU stay; ENM diseases; and being immunocompromised increased risk for CPO. CPO infection was not associated with increased mortality but was associated with prolonged hospital stay.
Methiozolin is a new herbicide with an unknown mechanism of action (MOA) for control of annual bluegrass (Poa annua L.) in several warm- and cool-season turfgrasses. In the literature, methiozolin was proposed to be a pigment inhibitor via inhibition of tyrosine aminotransferases (TATs) or a cellulose biosynthesis inhibitor (CBI). Here, exploratory research was conducted to characterize the herbicide symptomology and MOA of methiozolin. Arabidopsis (Arabidopsis thaliana L.) and P. annua exhibited a similar level of susceptibility to methiozolin, and arrest of meristematic growth was the most characteristic symptomology. For example, methiozolin inhibited A. thaliana root growth (GR50 8 nM) and shoot emergence (GR80 ˜50 nM), and apical meristem growth was completely arrested at rates greater than 500 nM. We concluded that methiozolin was neither a TAT nor a CBI inhibitor. Methiozolin had a minor effect on chlorophyll and alpha-tocopherol content in treated seedlings (<500 nM), and supplements in the proposed TAT pathway could not lessen phytotoxicity. Examination of microscopic images of roots revealed that methiozolin-treated (100 nM) and untreated seedlings had similar root cell lengths. Thus, methiozolin inhibits cell proliferation and not elongation from meristematic tissue. Subsequently, we suspected methiozolin was an inhibitor of the mevalonic acid (MVA) pathway, because its herbicidal symptomologies were nearly indistinguishable from those caused by lovastatin. However, methiozolin did not inhibit phytosterol production, and MVA pathway metabolites did not rescue treated seedlings. Further experiments showed that methiozolin produced a physiological profile very similar to cinmethylin across a number of assays, a known inhibitor of fatty-acid synthesis through inhibition of thioesterases (FATs). Experiments with lesser duckweed (Lemna aequinoctialis Welw.; syn. Lemna paucicostata Hegelm.) showed that methiozolin also reduced fatty-acid content in Lemna with a profile similar, but not identical, to cinmethylin. However, there was no difference in fatty-acid content between treated (1 µM) and untreated A. thaliana seedlings. Methiozolin also bound to both A, thaliana and L. aequinoctialis FATs in vitro. Modeling suggested that methiozolin and cinmethylin have comparable and overlapping FAT binding sites. While there was a discrepancy in the effect of methiozolin on fatty-acid content between L. aequinoctialis and A. thaliana, the overall evidence indicates that methiozolin is a FAT inhibitor and acts in a similar manner as cinmethylin.
Fungal hyphae associated with tree roots extending into the surrounding substrate are suspected to have to contaminated buried plant material with recent carbon in two examples and to have resulted in erroneously young radiocarbon ages. This problem might be overcome by choosing sampling sites far from trees or by analyzing the lignin component of samples, although the latter is presently difficult.
On one of our team residential trips to Cornwall, we took a walk along the stunning coastline between Boscastle and Tintagel, chatting as we went. A conversation sprung up between two of our team, one from Albania and one from Afghanistan. Offshore was a small rowing boat, and the Albanian colleague asked the other whether he had ever been rowing. ‘Yes,’ he replied. ‘I’m quite good at it.’ When asked how come, the response was, ‘I learnt coming from Turkey to Greece … it took about ten hours.’ There was a long pause as realization set in. Then came the follow up question:
‘Oh … so you made it then?’
‘Yes, I made it.’
‘Well done, mate!’
They both laughed. In that brief moment, a friendship was cemented.
This anecdote captures much of what the project set out to do. We wanted to bring to light the diversity of young people's experiences and counter some of the homogenizing narratives concerning migrant young people that have come to dominate policy and practice, moving away from an objective analysis of young people's migratory experiences and instead presenting them as human personal challenges and triumphs. A key component of this was to design and execute a methodology that was inclusive, mutually beneficial and enriching.
This chapter provides an overview of the methodological approach to the research. It describes its participative and collaborative nature, which involved working closely with a team of young people who had previously migrated alone to the United Kingdom (UK) and Italy as core members of the research team. It outlines the rationale for the approach, how the countries of origin were selected, details of research participants, including how access was negotiated, and how contact was maintained with them over time.
The chapter then goes on discuss how beliefs, ideas and meanings surrounding wellbeing were reached inductively through questions that sought to determine what young people valued in their lives and what helped them to feel well and happy. There follows a discussion of how the analysis of findings was conducted, before some reflections on the ethical considerations and dilemmas posed by the research as well as its limitations and challenges.
We were in the pub watching football as Sayel pulled out his phone and showed us the footage of the English Defence League (EDL) marching on the town he now called home. Sayel didn't drink beer when he first arrived, but he now enjoyed an occasional pint after work. ‘OMG, I’m so British,’ he quipped. ‘Don't tell my mum!’ His fellow Afghan friend who was with us did not consume alcohol. He said he felt a bit uneasy in the pub in case he was seen and people assumed he was drinking, but it was, he added, worth it to see the football on the big screen.
In the video, Sayel is heard telling the nationalists to ‘go back to your city’; ‘we don't want you here’. The crowd of EDL members who have bussed in from across the United Kingdom (UK) are met by a throng of anti-fascists, several whom are migrants including Sayel. ‘I’m just like, piss off mate,’ he explained. ‘This is our city … and most of those EDL guys aren't even from around here!’
Like Sayel, the young people we met throughout the research often had an immense sense of pride in the cities and localities they had come to call home. In anthropological terms, this can be seen as ‘placemaking’ – the transformation of living spaces into places that feel like home (Massey 1998). The new immigrants supported their local football teams, university reputations and, well, London was London – living there a source of pride in and of itself given its place in the global imaginary. When they arrived, a few young people already had distant family or friends in the country and basic language skills. But for all of them, a key part of settling into their new environments was to build relationships to support and sustain them (see Chapter 10).
While seeking to belong in their new homes, young people from all countries simultaneously maintained a sense of duty to ‘give back’ to their home countries. For some this was in real time through remittances or other forms of transnational support, while others imagined futures in which they would be in a position to help rebuild communities as doctors, nurses, pharmacists, lawyers or business investors.
As the public watched the so-called refugee crisis unfold across Europe in 2015, increasing awareness and public debate emerged about what the policy response should be for those children arriving without any adult and for whom the international community had a duty of care. Since that time, interest in the wellbeing of these children has waxed and waned in tune to the shifting policy, media and public discourses surrounding immigration and asylum laws and practices. Such discourses, we argue, have consistently adopted a myopic view of migrant children, situating them in some Peter Pan Neverland and refusing to acknowledge that many are on the cusp of adulthood. This is a term that, despite its multifarious cultural and social meanings, is very strictly defined in institutional terms as reaching the age of 18. This book has exposed a dearth of policy engagement with the question of what should and does happen to unaccompanied young people subject to immigration control once they cease to be children. The current research set out to uniquely better understand the outcomes of former unaccompanied migrant young people who find themselves in this policy vacuum. We have brought to this debate a new way of looking at the issue through a longitudinal and participatory research approach and documented how transition to adulthood for many means being thrown back into the precarity of a migrant status, which is unbounded in terms of time and undefined in relation to what it brings with respect to rights, citizenship and opportunities for a viable future.
In this final chapter, we reflect back on ideas associated with wellbeing in the context of migration, such as life satisfaction, happiness and quality of life in ways that capture their temporal and spatial dynamics. Above all, we reiterate the case for considering wellbeing not as a neutral objective state but as something that is inherently political and ultimately demands a political response.
Currently, migrant young people becoming adult frequently encounter policy systems and structures that are inadequate, violent and discriminatory. Our call is to consider how these structures can become more conducive not only to the wellbeing of migrant young people but also to society as a whole.
With its numerous meanings and associations, the concept of wellbeing is as nebulous as it is prolific in contemporary life. This chapter considers some dominant notions, definitions and attempts at measuring wellbeing. It then goes on to consider the relevance and application of these conceptualizations of wellbeing to the lives and circumstances of unaccompanied migrant young people undergoing multiple transitions.
The fact that young people on the move have unequal access to the resources they value as constitutive of their own wellbeing makes their different trajectories in the context of migration undeniably political. This means that wellbeing lends itself to a political economy analysis, something that is somewhat lacking in current work in the field. In this book, we build on the more established political economy critique of health, understood in its broadest sense (Illich 1976; Doyal and Pennell 1979; Navarro and Shi 2001; Nazroo 2003; Navarro 2009; Marmot et al 2020), and consider the dynamic, temporal and spatial aspects of wellbeing through a political lens. The chapter highlights the limitations of prevailing and dominant understandings of wellbeing, in particular their propensity to depoliticize it when its pursuit is fundamentally political, and to individualize it when it is inherently relational (White 2016).
Widening the lens on health and wellbeing
Over the past 50 years or so, there have been some important changes in how health and wellbeing are conceptualized and understood in Western health and wellbeing theory. One of the most important shifts has been away from a biomedical and pathological focus on what makes people ill and the sorts of micro-level interventions that might alleviate symptoms (for a good overview and critique, see Moore 2013). Alternative understandings around health have been developed by scholars such as Antonovsky in his theory of salutogenics (1979). His ideas about what promotes health, rather than what causes ill health, emerged from research with women who had survived the concentration camps of the Second World War. Antonovsky argues that despite having experienced extreme adversity, people can re-establish a sense of wellbeing through seeking out a sense of coherence – or a pervasive, dynamic feeling of confidence that life is predictable, manageable and meaningful.
‘Because with everything that happened, I know I can write my life, which way shall I go. I can go the road that I want. Before now, everywhere was junction and block, sealed off and I can't jump.’ (Janan, in the UK)
This chapter considers the opportunities and constraints encountered by young people in the study as they sought to realize the sorts of futures they aspired to. As such, it brings to light the bordered realities of their becoming. While many young people arriving in England, and to some extent in Italy, alluded to the expanding futures emerging in Europe, they frequently saw these new horizons shrinking as they approached adulthood, particularly if they still had uncertain legal status. At the juncture between institutionally defined childhood and adulthood, the notion of vulnerability, used by immigration and social care structures and systems as a sorting mechanism for deciding who is and is not eligible to support, takes on very different economic, social and political meanings. No longer meeting the institutional criteria of the ‘vulnerable child’, young people may paradoxically become more vulnerable as they encounter the multiple uncertainties of having an undetermined immigration status or, even when they do have status, are propelled towards independence with little preparation or support. Refocusing the lens away from individualized factors and circumstances typically associated with vulnerability towards more fundamental questions of the precarity – or the ‘politically-induced’ nature of precariousness (Butler 2006, 2009), we argue, forces a reconsideration of policies and practices and how they fundamentally determine young people's wellbeing outcomes, and whether or not they can construct the sorts of futures they aspire to.
Viable futures through becoming adult
Young people in the research commonly saw their personal priorities for moving forwards with their lives as a set of intersecting motives including finding safety, securing work, pursuing their education, family reunification and the right to a private life. Such pursuits were linked to achieving a degree of autonomy and greater responsibility which they associated with ‘becoming adult’.
In Europe and North America, much research on transitions to adulthood has examined the trajectories of ‘disadvantaged youth’, especially men, in urban areas (McDowell 2001; Thomson et al 2002).