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Previous study demonstrates that partisans perceive in-party news outlets as fair, and out-party news outlets as unfair. However, much of this study relies on one-shot designs. We create an ecologically valid design that randomly assigns participants to news feeds within a week-long online news portal where the balance of in-party and out-party news outlets has been manipulated. We find that sustained exposure to a feed that features out-party news media attenuates Democrats' beliefs that Fox News is unfair, but the same is not true for Republican's perceptions of MSNBC's fairness. Unexpectedly, repeated exposure to in-party news did increase Republicans' beliefs that Fox News is unfair. This study updates our understanding of partisan news effects in a fragmented online news environment.
Local newspapers can hold back the rising tide of political division in America by turning away from the partisan battles in Washington and focusing their opinion page on local issues. When a local newspaper in California dropped national politics from its opinion page, the resulting space filled with local writers and issues. We use a pre-registered analysis plan to show that after this quasi-experiment, politically engaged people did not feel as far apart from members of the opposing party, compared to those in a similar community whose newspaper did not change. While it may not cure all of the imbalances and inequities in opinion journalism, an opinion page that ignores national politics could help local newspapers push back against political polarization.
In the DSM-5 main section for clinical diagnoses, psychopathology in Cluster C (Anxious-Fearful) is represented by three personality disorders: Avoidant, Dependent, and Obsessive-Compulsive. However, characterization of persistent anxious-fearful psychopathology has varied historically, and it appears that the cluster formation may not be retained with the next iteration of personality disorder diagnoses. This chapter examines the historical development of anxious-fearful personality disorders, and examines the different ways that associated symptoms and problems have been characterized and grouped to elucidate core features in order to clarify visions looking forward. There is an emphasis on avoidant behaviors, when describing the clinical manifestation of these personality disorders, and it is suggested that focusing on mechanisms for this kind of personality pathology, as well as explicitly addressing the issue of grain size, would enhance continuing efforts to improve diagnostic conceptualizations of personality pathology involving anxiety, fear, and avoidance.
This rejoinder responds to commentaries offered by Cain (this volume) and Arntz (this volume). The authors reiterate their view that incorporating mechanisms into research will open new pathways for understanding the nature of anxious fearful personality pathology and for improving diagnosis. They agree with and value the interpersonal theory for better understanding personality disorders, and for guiding treatment. They further argue that particular attention be paid to grain size in the study and conceptualization of anxious fearful personality pathology.
President Donald Trump faced substantial scandal coverage early in his presidency. Can these stories about presidential controversies change the opinions of Trump’s fellow Republicans, or are the efforts of the news media to inform partisans about prominent issues futile? Past research on partisan reactions to major political scandals were confounded by problems with self-reported media use and single-shot experimental treatments. We address these concerns using a unique, repeated-exposure experimental design that either randomly supplied participants with news about the Trump-Russia scandal, or removed most of those stories from view, over the course of one week in June 2017. This design mimics sustained media attention to a political scandal and disentangles the effects of media coverage from selection in the context of a high-choice media environment. We find that Republicans randomly assigned to see more Trump-Russia headlines reacted more negatively than Democrats or Independents, rating Trump’s performance lower and expressing more negative emotions about him. Republicans’ perceptions of media bias were not affected by Trump-Russia stories, and effects were not contingent upon clicking the articles. Intense media focus on a story can alter partisans’ evaluations of politicians by shifting the balance of headlines.
In recent years, several developing countries have adopted regulatory laws to remain relevant in an increasingly globalized world and to make a successful transition from protected to market economies. Whilst developing countries and multilateral organizations supporting them are aware that in order to succeed adopted laws must be compatible with the context for which they are intended, there is less clarity as to the processes through which compatibility is generated. This article draws upon comparative law and development economics literature to argue that the compatibility of a transplant is shaped by the interplay of institutions through which it is adopted. The article also argues that in addition to compatibility, a transplant must enjoy a degree of legitimacy to be effective in the adopting country and the institutions which generate compatibility may also enhance such legitimacy. In order to understand the compatibility and legitimacy-generating potential of the interplay of adopting institutions in developing countries, the article examines and compares the adoption of competition laws by India and Pakistan in 2002 and 2007 respectively. The article also examines the impact of legitimacy on the post-adoption interpretation of competition law transplants and its significance for their implementation in either country.
Chapter 1 lays out the legal background relating to proof of sexual offences in Mandate Palestine. It describes the Mandate-era legal system, discusses the criminal prohibitions related to sexual conduct that the British regime adopted and explains relevant principles of evidence.
Chapter 7 traces the boundaries of the plausible by invoking the implausible. This chapter examines two kinds of stories that were deemed implausible in the courts of Mandate Palestine. The first is the inter-ethnic love story, which, if not considered totally implausible, was viewed as less plausible than a story of sexual assault or of a ‘fallen woman’. Using two rape cases involving relationships between teenage Jewish girls and young Arab men, I demonstrate how the circumstances highlighted in court proceedings presented such relationships as aberrations, as lying outside the scope of normality. The second kind of implausible story is the counter-narratives secreted in legal arguments that the Mandate-era judiciary readily dismissed or undermined. Focusing on a 1933 rape case, I reconstruct hidden transcripts alluded to by Arab defence attorneys who challenged British superiority through substantive, evidentiary and procedural claims neatly tailored in accordance with the conventions of common law. Unsurprisingly, British judges rejected all such challenges. This chapter demonstrates that the concept of plausibility is relevant not only to the content of particular crime stories but also to beliefs about the essence of normal sexual or romantic relations and of the justice system.
The British purported to revolutionize the regulation of male-to-male sex in Mandate Palestine. They criminalized consensual sex between adult males (not previously outlawed), and they created a statutory distinction (non-existent in England at that time) between forced and consensual male-to-male sex. Chapter 2 examines the cultural narratives underlying both of these offences and inquires which stories were deemed implausible. The analysis demonstrates that the boundary between ‘sodomy’ (forced sex) and ‘unnatural offences’ (consensual sex) was not sharply drawn in practice and that both acts were underlain by the scenario of an older and more affluent man penetrating a younger and poorer one. The statutory penetrator/penetrated distinction was congruent with contemporary local Arab traditions of age- and status-stratified male sex roles. Stories surrounding the prosecution of non-consensual ‘sodomy’ focused mostly on ‘blameable’ victims and on sex with children (for which proof of force was not required), and ‘unnatural offences’ were underpinned by narratives of unequal power relations. These underlying narratives reflect two local myths about male-to-male sex. The first is that sexually involved men were not social equals and that the better-positioned man penetrated his less fortunate partner; the second is that an adult male could not be raped.
Plausibility cannot be detached from the identity of the witness who makes a factual claim. Chapter 3 demonstrates how social constructions of ‘children’ tinted the plausibility of sexual offence complaints made by minors and consequently undermined the credibility of the very individuals British legislation purported to protect. This chapter highlights three areas in which suspicion surfaced in relation to child witnesses: the preconditions of oath-taking, perjury charges and inquiry into complainants’ sexual history. It examines how the image of a vulnerable, innocent and violated child coexisted with the image of the child as a fabricating, unreliable and seductive being.
Chapter 6 takes up the rule of corroboration to illustrate the intertwining of social perceptions of plausible crime scenarios with formal evidentiary standards and recounts how the rule operated in constructing social and cultural credibility (or its absence). The requirement of corroboration in sex offence cases was not a neutral evidentiary tool but, rather, a tool for signifying ‘others’, those belonging to a category of social players who should not be believed. In the colonial context of Mandate Palestine, these ‘others’ were non-English, especially non-English children.
Chapter 4 examines references to ethnicity in accounts of sexual offences, with attention to the ethnic identity of both the narrators and their audiences. The British-orchestrated judicial and prosecutorial system downplayed the significance of participants’ ethnic origin. Manifest disregard of ethnicity buttressed the image of the British as impartial rulers. Nevertheless, occasional derogatory remarks betrayed prejudice against Palestinian natives. In contrast to the British pretence of impartiality though, Arab defendants often invoked ethnic labels. Arab advocates sometimes portrayed the ethnicity of their clients as a mitigating circumstance, trying to sway British judges by manipulating their possible prejudices. Implicit in the use of ethnic labels was the implausibility of deliberate inter-ethnic rape and the plausibility of backwardness as a mitigating factor. The Jewish community also made use of ethnic labels, though within the bounds of the community and not inside the courtroom. The accounts of the Hebrew press had a clear ethnic character, marking the boundaries between the Jewish and Arab communities and reinforcing a separation that was not only symbolic but also physical. Within the confines of the Jewish community, it was plausible to cast Arabs as likely sexual perpetrators, especially dangerous to children and young Jewish women.
The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of the book and portrays the advantages of an analytical frame that goes beyond the seemingly neutral and technical facade of evidence law to explore the socially embedded nature of the process of proof. In doing so, it considers how the telling of particular crime stories can open a window onto knowledge about societal contexts beyond the courtroom.