Las estructuras arqueológicas llamadas cerritos de indios han sido reportadas y estudiadas desde fines del siglo diecinueve, recibiendo variadas interpretaciones sobre su función. El presente artículo, pretende realizar una síntesis de la información arqueológica generada por investigadores uruguayos y brasileros, buscando discutir las aproximaciones empleadas y las explicaciones propuestas; en particular al respecto de la relación entre sociedades cazadoras-recolectoras y ambientes de tierras bajas. En el trabajo se propone una tipología y una secuencia arqueológica regional para estos cerritos. La actividad ritual y funeraria son particularmente consideradas. El análisis estratigráfico y el material arqueológico recuperado, apoyan la interpretación funcional y el estudio de la organización social, económica y política de estos grupos. El análisis crítico de la información etnohistórica adquiere significación a la hora de interpretar el tipo de sociedad y de conductas involucradas en estas construcciones. Consideradas como sociedades marginales, viviendo en ambientes marginales, estos grupos representan ahora, un interesante ejemplo para estudiar el cambio cultural y la emergencia de complejidad social.

The Moche was the last complex society to develop on the Peruvian north coast during the Early Intermediate Period (200 B. C.-700 A. D.). While archaeological research on the Moche has traditionally concentrated on the impressive marks of political and religious power, we know relatively little about Moche household organization and patterns of residence. In this research, conducted at the eponymous site of Moche, I identify three types of architectural organization relating to both residential and nonresidential spaces. An analysis of building materials and architectural superposition suggests a close relationship among construction quality, household size, and occupational continuity, in the case of residential architecture. The observed differences, I argue, reflect strategies of household social reproduction among Moche's urban population that depend largely on socioeconomic status. I also contend that different forms of labor were responsible for the construction of residential compounds and other specialized areas, the function of which may not be primarily residential. This research emphasizes the great potential of studying domesticity in prehistory as well as the dynamics of urban construction and suggests methods effective for the reconstruction of household forms and change in sedentary societies.

Our work in the Bahamas, Turks and Caicos, Haiti, and Jamaica has revealed significant patterning in apparently unretouched molluscan shell objects. In the present paper we conclude that repetitive patterns in shell breakage, especially of queen conch (Strombus gigas), reflect the specific manufacture of forms for use as expedient tools. Expedient tools exhibit only primary modification in which a portion of the source material is removed and shaped, but there is no specific evidence for the preparation of a work edge. Alternatively, expedient tools may display no modification of the raw material except that produced through use. We hypothesize that through controlled breakage large S. gigas and other mollusk shells were modified to create numerous smaller pieces for everyday domestic activities. The key factor here is human intent. Experiments clearly demonstrate that controlled breakage of adult shells produces predictable fragments. Among these are forms that occurred in prehistoric sites throughout the West Indies; many of these forms also exhibit signs of use wear. This type of regional comparison and analysis is important for all archaeologists who work in coastal settings. It is only through such general studies that the sample size is sufficient to facilitate a more complete reconstruction of the aboriginal tool kit.

Este trabajo aporta información acerca de la cronología y distribución de las mayólicas panameñas, a partir de los datos obtenidos en las excavaciones que se realizan en Panamá La Vieja (1519–1671) y en otros sitios coloniales del continente. Incluye una referencia a los aspectos estilísticos de los tipos definidos, y analiza la incidencia de cada uno de ellos en perspectiva diacrónica. Nuevos datos de localidades con mayólica panameña, permiten circunscribir su distribución a la vertiente pacífica (desde Guatemala hasta Chile), contribuyendo a la verificación de la hipótesis enunciada por Florence y Robert Lister (1974). El trabajo intenta explicar la ausencia significativa de mayólicas producidas en la ciudad de Panamá (costa pacífica del istmo), en las localidades de la costa atlántica, en contraposición a la constante presencia de cerámicas europeas en la ciudad de Panamá (las cuales, durante el auge de la industria local, alcanzaron frecuencias de alrededor del 20%). Tal situación no podría ser entendida tomando únicamente en consideración el alto costo de los fletes transístmicos (los cuales afectaban por igual ambas vías): ante el mismo valor agregado, resultaba socialmente deseable adquirir las mayólicas europeas en la ciudad de Panamá, mas no las panameñas en Portobelo. Resulta clara la existencia de valoraciones sociales diferenciales entre las mayólicas locales versus europeas, modeladoras de preferencias estéticas y hábitos de consumo.

An increasing number of publications supports the autonomous development of dense sedentary populations with advanced social organization throughout Amazonia in spite of abundant archaeological, ethnographic, physical, and biological evidence for environmental limitations to sustainable intensive exploitation of the varzea as well as the terra firme. Three articles in recent issues of Latin American Antiquity dispute the validity of the data collected during three decades of survey by participants of the Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqueológicas na Bacia Amazônica, which indicate that surviving indigenous groups perpetuate settlement and social behavior adopted at least 2,000 years ago, when the widespread use of pottery makes it detectable. Correction of the misunderstandings contributing to this "revisionist" assessment is essential because uncritical acceptance of the conclusions not only conflicts with ecological and archaeological evidence, but provides support for the unconstrained deforestation of the region.

Meggers's commentary does not effectively address our critique of the seriational argument that large Amazonian sites always represent occupational palimpsests. As a consequence, more general claims about the limitations that Amazonian environments posed for prehistoric cultural development based on this same argument remain unconvincing and fail to account for relevant variability in the archaeological record.

Meggers's critique of views presented by DeBoer et al. (1996), Wüst and Barreto (1999), and Heckenberger et al. (1999) in Latin American Antiquity misrepresents these authors and others. Her criticisms, largely directed at the present authors, obfuscate fundamental points raised regarding the nature and variability of cultural formations and economic patterns in Amazonia. By conflating indigenous resource management systems, which we discuss, with mechanized development strategies of the modern world, she creates an unnecessarily polemical atmosphere for debate.