Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-tj2md Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-25T05:46:40.973Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

How corruption investigations undermine regime support: evidence from China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 July 2021

Yuhua Wang*
Affiliation:
Department of Government, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
Bruce J. Dickson
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science and Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, Washington, DC, USA
*
*Corresponding author. Email: yuhuawang@fas.harvard.edu

Abstract

Authoritarian leaders around the world often fight against corruption in an effort to win public support. Conventional wisdom holds that this strategy works because leaders can signal their benevolent intentions by removing corrupt officials. We argue that fighting against corruption can undermine regime support. By revealing scandals of corrupt officials, corruption investigations can alter citizens' beliefs about public officials and lead to disenchantment about political institutions. We test this argument by examining how China's current anti-corruption campaign has changed citizens' public support for the government and the Communist Party. We analyze the results of two original surveys conducted before and during the campaign, and employ a difference-in-differences strategy to show that corruption investigations, at the margin, suppress respondents' support for the central government and party. We also examine our respondents' prior and posterior beliefs, and the results support our updating mechanism.

Type
Original Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the European Political Science Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abadie, A (2005) Semiparametric difference-in-differences estimators. The Review of Economic Studies 72, 119.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Anderson, CJ and Tverdova, Y (2003) Corruption, political allegiances, and attitudes toward government in contemporary democracies. American Journal of Political Science 47, 91109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arias, E, Larreguy, HA, Marshall, J and Querubin, P (2018) Priors rule: when do malfeasance revelations help and hurt incumbent parties? NBER Working Paper No. 24888.Google Scholar
Bardhan, P (1997) Corruption and development. Journal of Economic Literature 35, 13201346.Google Scholar
Berinsky, AJ (2017) Rumors and health care reform: experiments in political misinformation. British Journal of Political Science 4, 241262.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Boas, TC, Daniel Hidalgo, F and André Melo, M (2019) Norms versus action: why voters fail to sanction malfeasance in Brazil. American Journal of Political Science 63, 385400.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bullock, JG (2009) Partisan bias and the Bayesian ideal in the study of public opinion. Journal of Politics 71, 11091124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chang, ECC and Chu, Y-h (2006) Corruption and trust: exceptionalism in Asian democracies? Journal of Politics 68, 259271.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chang, ECC, Golden, MA and Hill, SJ (2010) Legislative malfeasance and political accountability. World Politics 62, 177220.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chen, J (2013) A Middle Class Without Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Chen, T and Hong, JY (Forthcoming) Rivals within: political factions, loyalty, and elite competition under authoritarianism. Political Science Research and Methods, 116.Google Scholar
Chong, A, De La O, AL, Karlan, D and Wantchekon, L (2015) Does corruption information inspire the fight or quash the hope? A field experiment in Mexico on voter turnout, choice, and party identification. Journal of Politics 77, 5571.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Corbacho, A, Gingerich, DW, Oliveros, V and Ruiz-Vega., M (2016) Corruption as a self-fulfilling prophecy: evidence from a survey experiment in Costa Rica. American Journal of Political Science 60, 10771092.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dickson, BJ (2016) The Dictator's Dilemma. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Dickson, BJ, Shen, M and Yan, J (2017) Generating regime support in contemporary China: legitimation and the local legitimacy deficit. Modern China 43, 123155.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dimitrov, MK (ed.) (2013) Why Communism Did Not Collapse. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dunning, T, Grossman, G, Humphreys, M, Hyde, SD, McIntosh, C, Nellis, G, Adida, CL, Arias, E, Bicalho, C, Boas, TC, Buntaine, MT, Chauchard, S, Chowdhury, A, Gottlieb, J, Hidalgo, FD, Holmlund, M, Jablonski, R, Kramon, E, Larreguy, H, Lierl, M, Marshall, J, McClendon, G, Melo, MA, Nielson, DL, Pickering, PM, Platas, MR, Querubín, P, Raffler, P and Sircar, N (2019) Voter information campaigns and political accountability: cumulative findings from a preregistered meta-analysis of coordinated trials. Science Advances 5(7), eaaw2612.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Easton, D (1975) A re-assessment of the concept of political support. British Journal of Political Science 5, 435457.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ferraz, C and Finan, F (2008) Exposing corrupt politicians: the effects of Brazil's publicly released audits on electoral outcomes. The Quarterly Journal of Economics 123, 703745.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Finkel, E and Gehlbach, S (2020) Reform and Rebellion in Weak States. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gallagher, ME (2006) Mobilizing the Law in China: “informed disenchantment” and the development of legal consciousness. Law & Society Review 40, 783816.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gingerich, DW (2009) Corruption and political decay: evidence from Bolivia. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 4, 134.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hainmueller, J, Mummolo, J and Xu, Y (2019) How much should we trust estimates from multiplicative interaction models? Simple tools to improve empirical practice. Political Analysis 27, 163192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hill, SJ (2017) Learning together slowly: Bayesian learning about political facts. Journal of Politics 79, 14031418.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hollyer, JR, Peter Rosendorff, B and Vreeland, JR (2015) Transparency, protest, and autocratic instability. American Political Science Review 109, 764784.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huang, H (2017) A war of (mis)information: the political effects of rumors and rumor rebuttals in an authoritarian country. British Journal of Political Science 47, 283312.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Imai, K, Keele, L, Tingley, D and Yamamoto, T (2011) Unpacking the black box of causality: learning about causal mechanisms from experimental and observational studies. American Political Science Review 105, 765789.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jiang, J and Yang, DL (2016) Lying or believing? Measuring preference falsification from a political purge in China. Comparative Political Studies 49, 600634.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Jiang, J, Shao, Z and Zhang, Z (Forthcoming) The price of probity: anticorruption and adverse selection in the Chinese bureaucracy. British Journal of Political Science, 124.Google Scholar
Kahneman, D and Tversky, A (1973) On the psychology of prediction. Psychological Review 80, 237251.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kuran, T (1991) Now out of never: the element of surprise in the east European revolution of 1989. World Politics 44, 748.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Landry, PF and Shen, M (2005) Reaching migrants in survey research: the use of the global positioning system to reduce coverage bias in China. Political Analysis 13, 122.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Larreguy, HA, Marshall, J and Snyder, JM Jr (2017) Revealing malfeasance. NBER Working Paper No. w20697.Google Scholar
Levi, M (1997) Consent, Dissent, and Patriotism. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Li, L (2013) The magnitude of trust in the center: evidence from interviews with petitioners in Beijing and a local survey in rural China. Modern China 39, 336.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
, X (2014) Social policy and regime legitimacy: the effects of education reform in China. American Political Science Review 108, 423437.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
, J and Dickson, BJ (2020) Revisiting the Eastonian framework on political support: assessing different measures of regime support in mainland China. Comparative Politics 52, 671701.Google Scholar
, X and Lorentzen, PL (2016) Rescuing autocracy from itself: China's anti-corruption campaign. Paper presented at the Southern Political Science Association Annual Meeting, New Orleans, LA, January 2016.Google Scholar
Malesky, E, Schuler, P and Tran, A (2012) The adverse effects of sunshine: a field experiment on legislative transparency in an authoritarian assembly. American Political Science Review 106, 762786.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Manion, M (2004) Corruption by Design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Manion, M (2016) Taking China's anticorruption campaign seriously. Economic and Political Studies 4, 318.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morris, SD and Klesner, JL (2010) Corruption and trust: theoretical considerations and evidence from Mexico. Comparative Political Studies 43, 12581285.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Murong, X (2015) China's selective crackdown. New York Times, January 17, p. A17.Google Scholar
Persson, A, Rothstein, B and Teorell, J (2013) Why anticorruption reforms fail—systemic corruption as a collective action problem. Governance 26(3), 449471.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Presser, S, Couper, MP, Lessler, JT, Martin, E, Martin, J, Rothgeb, JM and Singer, E (2004) Methods for testing and evaluating survey questions. Public Opinion Quarterly 68, 109130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schwindt-Bayer, LA and Margit Tavits, M (2016) Clarity of Responsibility, Accountability, and Corruption. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Seligson, MA (2002) The impact of corruption on regime legitimacy: a comparative study of four Latin American countries. Journal of Politics 64, 408433.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shi, T (2015) The Cultural Logic of Politics in Mainland China and Taiwan. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Snyder, JM and Strömberg, D (2010) Press coverage and political accountability. Journal of Political Economy 118, 355408.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stockmann, D (2013) Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Stockmann, D and Gallagher, ME (2011) Remote control: how the media sustain authoritarian rule in China. Comparative Political Studies 44, 436467.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tang, W (2016) Populist Authoritarianism. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wedeman, A (2016) Four years on: where is Xi Jinping's anti-corruption drive headed? China Policy Institute: Analysis.Google Scholar
Winters, MS and Weitz-Shapiro, R (2013) Lacking information or condoning corruption: when do voters support corrupt politicians? Comparative Politics 45, 418436.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zhu, B (2017) MNCS, rents, and corruption: evidence from China. American Journal of Political Science 61, 8499.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zhu, J and Zhang, D (2017) Weapons of the powerful: authoritarian elite competition and politicized anticorruption in China. Comparative Political Studies 50, 11861220.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zhu, J, , J and Shi, T (2012) When grapevine news meets mass media: different information sources and popular perceptions of government corruption in mainland China. Comparative Political Studies 46, 920946.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Wang and Dickson Dataset

Link
Supplementary material: PDF

Wang and Dickson supplementary material

Wang and Dickson supplementary material

Download Wang and Dickson supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 874.4 KB