The nature of the adjustments made by the steadily increasing population of central coastal Peru in the Middle through Late Preceramic time periods can be examined by careful study of bioindicators. Nonspecific indicators of stress (NSIS) preserved in human remains provide independent evidence for validating paleodemographic hypotheses. If life expectancy improves over a period of time, one expects diminished indication of nonspecific stress. Decreasing stress over time also may imply increasing fertility in precontraceptive peoples, which, along with declining mortality, would lead to population growth. However, the converse does not follow; populations may grow over time whether responding to increasing, stable, or decreasing stress. Other factors, such as changing subsistence strategies or hybrid vigor, also may be useful in explaining diminished indications of either nonspecific stress or population increase. The complex relations among (a) population structure and density (PSD), (b) nonspecific indicators of stress, and (c) diet have not yielded deductions that could form a universal set of expectations. However, several kinds of adaptation that are distinct with respect to population growth and health status are considered and illustrated with analyses of 201 skeletons from the preagricultural village of Paloma in central coastal Peru.

This paper focuses on the demographic and architectural organization of a South Amerindian tropical-forest community. The household, as the most important social, economic, and behavioral unit in this society, is reflected in the strong quantitative relations between the floor areas of the various structure types and the associated number of occupants. In contrast, floor area/number of occupants relations at the nuclear-family level are quantitatively weak. Since the aboriginal household was also the most important economic and demographic social unit in the South American tropics, the present study may be used to estimate prehistoric settlement population levels using excavated data. As such, this study encourages the use of the direct-historical approach by archaeologists working in the lowlands of South America.

Aunque las tres fuentes principales de obsidiana se encuentran ubicadas en las tierras altas, los modelos propuestos hasta la fecha para reconstruir la distribución de este material en las tierras bajas no suelen tomar en consideración los factores sociopolíticos e históricos que han afectado las entidades mayas de tierras altas. Sin embargo, estos factores son determinantes de los sistemas comerciales a larga distancia. Al examinar y comparar la ruta por tierra de Alta Verapaz y la ruta fluvial–marítima del Motagua–Caribe en una perspectiva geográfica, sociopolítica, e histórica que integra los grandes centros de Kaminaljuyú y de Quiriguá, así como los centros de Verapaz, se concluye que la segunda ruta fue sin duda más activa que la primera en el comercio de obsidiana, entre otros bienes. Pero, la complejidad de las secuencias históricas de estos centros y la variabilidad de sus estructuras sociopolíticas sugieren que la competencia entre las dos rutas fue intensa y provocó cierta inestabilidad en los sistemas comerciales y flujos de obsidiana, por una y otra ruta.