The town of Ningi is located on the western edge of the North East State of Nigeria, about 25 km from the south-eastern corner of Kano State. Old Ningi town (about 50 km from the town's present site) was founded by a Kano Qur'anic teacher-scholar, Malam Hamza, and his followers in the middle of the nineteenth century. Malam Hamza is said to have fled Kano because of political and religious disputes with the Emir of Kano which resulted in a purge of the Malam class. Moving away from the centre of Kano power to the comparative safety of the Kabara hills and the non-Hausa people who lived in them, Malam Hamza was able to establish the separatism he and his followers desired. During this period the Kabara hills were the scene of slave-raiding and warfare, constantly threatened by the Hausa-Fulani emirates which surrounded them. Fighting from the hills, the people of Old Ningi, loosely allied with their neighbours, the Butawa, Warjawa, and others, were able to maintain their independence from Bauchi, Zaria, and Kano.

The importance of female title holders, especially that of the Queen Mother, is widespread throughout the state systems of Africa. Royal monarchical power and authority is often linked to a senior woman of the royal line, sometimes a real mother, sometimes not, who is the female counterpart to the male royal person. One writer has suggested that in Africa the monarchy itself involves not simply a King but rather a royal couple—the King and his mother—so that centralized authority is in fact inherent in a mother-son ‘royal duo’ (de Heusch, 1962: 145). The Queen Mother in such a view is not simply ‘important’ but an essential ingredient in the nature of royal power and authority, and therefore of centralized government as this has developed historically on the continent.

Christian missions in Africa have produced mountains of publications which, despite their collective mass often escape notice in the wider landscape of African studies. Some of the reasons for scholarly neglect are readily apparent. A secular age is inclined to under-rate the impact of religious forces born in another era; an anti-imperialist generation of scholars is repulsed by the generally unabashed cultural imperialism of nineteenth-century evangelists; the devolution of political power from white to black hands has produced an understandable preference for the study of purely African agents of change in the recent past. Myopia, embarrassment, and the looming presence of contemporary African nationalism all encourage a tendency to leave the study of missions to antiquarians and the professionally pious.

In anthropological studies of African societies a recurring problem of analysis centres on the relationship between descent groupings and territorial units. A categorical distinction, such as Maine advanced (1861), between kinds of societies or groups based on either descent or locality is empirically spurious (Gluckman 1971: 85). Fortes has emphasised that the problem is one ‘of assigning an order of relative weight to the various factors involved in culture and in social organization, or alternatively of devising methods for describing and analyzing a configuration of factors so as to show precisely how they interact with one another’ (1953:25). Other writers have favoured this same move from reductionist either-or typologies to relativistic functional propositions, notably in analysing the modalities of descent (Lewis 1968; Goody 1969), of descent and affinity (Schneider 1968; Leach 1971), of kinship – and neighbourship (Gulliver 1971). But despite these developments, comparative analysis is still often based on crude correlations derived from an arbitrary and piecemeal codification of data (Hallpike 1971). My approach in this essay is guided by three structuralist propositions: descent and locality are (1) complementary principles, the significance of one being relative to the significance of the other, (2) mental —representations and tactical signs, rather than institutions sui generis, (3) variables within a transformational system, the system being susceptible to analysis at the level. of both organization and conceptualization.

The consciousness that Death will sooner or later expel him from the earth, despite all his efforts to make it a permanent home—and such a comfortable one for that matter—is certainly the greatest question facing man. Scared by the imminence of Death, man sometimes wishes that he had not been created at all; but having been created, he has no choice other than to accept Death as the price to be paid for living. Now it is up to him to ignore it so as to be able to enjoy the little time he has to spend on earth; he should then pay the price when it is due. Alternatively, he may want to challenge Death and try to neutralize its power. This, of course, is taking a big risk. But to succeed is to live foreever.

This paper deals with certain implications of our ‘conventional understandings’ of the Kru and Grebo peoples of the Cape Palmas region of coastal West Africa. These ‘traditional’ scholarly understandings of ‘traditional’ political organization, when combined with misfocused questions about the nature of ethnicity, effectively preclude accurate knowledge not only of traditional polities but also of how a people's ethnic identity may be redefined with changing circumstances. Subjecting traditional perspectives as well as ethnographic data to re-examination may clarify the complex role of ethnicity among the Kru and Grebo.

This paper investigates the relationship between marriage payments, household structure, and domestic labour-supply among the Barma of the Republic of Chad. Recently, Netting has noted that ‘…household composition among farmers varies with the type and amount of labor required for effective crop production’ (1974: 29). Netting is supported by evidence from Europe (Chayanov: 1966; Symes: 1972); Africa (Jones: 1949; Basehart: 1973; Netting: 1968; Reining: 1970; Udo: 1965); Asia (Barth: 1959; Befu: 1968; Leach: 1961; Moerman: 1968; Yang: 1945); South America (Webster: 1973); North America (Bennett: 1969); and the Pacific (Sahlins: 1957). Implicit in this literature is the realization that the household structural types prevalent in societies are those which provide adequate labour supplies in specific ecosystems with particular agrarian technologies. While this research indicates that differing agrarian societies require varying labour supplies, it does not in general show how they achieve these supplies. This paper demonstrates how marriage payments may operate to regulate different aspects of household structure to provide adequate labour to the Barma domestic unit.

Any analysis of the process of political change is fraught with the danger of being rapidly rendered ‘out of date’. This is particularly so if the analysis concerned relates to a decidedly dynamic and changing country such as Tanzania in which not only does a swift succession of historical events, both internal and external, alter the situation almost from day to day, but also where policy changes and new politico-economic orientations manifest themselves with sometimes astonishing rapidity. These elements conspire to create radical structural changes in the political system, even before prior organizational alterations have had a chance to become ‘fully institutionalized’.