The aim of this corpus-based study is to offer a syntactic and semantic characterization of sentences whose formal realization can be schematized as it + take + NP + (NP) + to-VP. The examination of the data suggests that this linear structure is shared by two distinct micro-constructions with different semantic properties: a construction with extraposition whose primary meaning is described in terms of consumption and an impersonal micro-construction which is analyzed as an anankastic construction expressing a necessary condition. It is shown that the apparently erratic grammatical behaviour of the string results from the existence in the hierarchical network of constructions of two different micro-constructions with similar formal realizations.

This paper focuses on genitive interrogatives in Iraqi Arabic. I argue that these constructions are inherently D-linked (Discourse-Linked). Similarly to D-linked interrogatives, when genitive interrogatives appear in content questions in which both the resumptive strategy and the gap strategy are possible, the genitive interrogatives have a D-N structure when the gap strategy is employed and a D-φ-N structure when the resumptive strategy is employed. I then propose the following hypothesis: what defines D-linking is the presence of a domain restriction in the form of an overt noun.

In this squib, I discuss the iterative marker in Cayuga (Northern Iroquoian) and how it helps us to understand VP structure and unaccusativity in that language. This discussion bears directly on the issue of configurationality and clausal structure (Hale 1983, Jelinek 1984, Baker 1996, Legate 2002). A fundamental question about discourse-configurational languages is whether they have a distinct VP node or a flat structure. I show that the iterative marker takes scope over objects but not over subjects, supporting the notion that a distinct VP node is present in this language. Furthermore, I show that the iterative marker also takes scope over the subjects of unaccusatives, thus distinguishing unaccusatives from unergatives.

Clitic doubling (CD) is a syntactic construction characterized by a clitic in the inflectional domain doubling a Determiner Phrase (DP) in the canonical object position. CD has been argued to occur in several Romance languages including Spanish (Jaeggli 1982, Hurtado 1984, Suñer 1988, Uriagereka 1995, among many others) and Romanian (Dobrovie-Sorin 1990). This phenomenon has also been well documented in Modern Greek (Philippaki-Warburton et al. 2004, Anagnostopoulou 2006, Tsakali 2008). For example, consider the following direct object CD constructions from Modern Greek (la), Romanian (lb), and Spanish (lc). We see that the DP in object position (sister to V) is doubled by a matching clitic in the inflectional domain.

Omission of various components of a sentence is a common phenomenon in first language (LI) acquisition across different languages. Omission can affect arguments, such as subjects and objects, as well as functional elements, such as determiners and inflectional morphology (Borer and Rohrbacher 2002, Pérez-Leroux et al. 2008, among others).