The history of Indonesia in the last two or three decades of Dutch colonial rule still has to be written, and it can only be written when the abundant archival materials for this period, both in Indonesia and in the Netherlands, come to be opened up for scholarly investigation. Scholars who, since the Second World War, have turned their attention to modern Indonesian history have tended to focus on the development of Indonesian nationalism, and for understandable reasons. The Indonesian Revolution, crowned by the attainment of Indonesian independence in 1949, rendered an understanding of the Indonesian nationalist movement in colonial times imperative not only to Indonesian historians attempting to come to grips with their country's recent past but also to an ever-increasing number of foreign students. Welcome as this ongoing re-examination of Indonesian nationalism is, it, too, must remain incomplete until documentary evidence, whether archival or (auto)-biographical, can substantially enrich it.

Modernization is a word that has been widely and rather loosely used for some time to characterize the fundamental changes that have been taking place during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries among non-Western peoples. It was first used in this sense to describe developments in Japan, China and Turkey, but with the multiplication of newly independent nations in Asia and Africa since World War II die term has been applied to them, also.

The development of Chinese family law in Malaysia and Singapore provides an interesting case study of an attempt to fuse elements of two disparate legal systems in a foreign social climate. The present court system of Malaysia and Singapore and the adjective law are based in large part upon principles of English common law, while the substantive family law applied to the Chinese people is in part a reflection of “traditional” Chinese law. These diverse legal orders function in a social setting which, although substantially influenced by Chinese tradition, is nevertheless a distinct environment, and which, on the other hand, certainly bears little resemblance to the native habitat of the common law.

This paper will study the nature and behavior of prices in Communist China from the price data available in various government publications. It will seek to answer such pertinent questions as how prices have changed under the Communist regime, and what possible economic implications underlie such changes. Section i examines the nature of Chinese price and price indices; Section 2 examines absolute changes in prices; Section 3 studies the relative changes of agricultural and non-agricultural prices, of producer and consumer prices, of wages, profits, and prices. The final section compares Shanghai prices and those of Tientsin.

The full-scale Protestant missionary assault made possible by the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin, which allowed missionaries access to all parts of the interior of China and provided them with the protection of local authorities, both created new problems and intensified old ones existing as a result of unwelcome foreign presence in the land. The difficulties were of such nature as to plague even those nations which had considerable experience and had enjoyed substantial success in colonial affairs. It is the purpose of this paper to examine one incident involving missionary operation in order to illustrate through it the practical burdens which such enterprises could impose upon British and Chinese diplomacy. It is the conviction of this writer that such episodes, although not in themselves crucial, were influential in the shaping of diplomacy.

In a democratic country with a single dominant party the distribution of power within the party is of critical importance to the maintenance of democratic processes and political responsibility. The implications of such a system are particularly acute in the new nations of Asia and Africa where the dominant party has grown out of a nationalist movement and where problems of national unity have resulted frequendy in a tendency to view the party and the state as synonymous. In such cases, opposition to the policy objectives of the party, when it is in power, is often looked upon as criticism of the state itself. As a result legitimate partisan criticism may be regarded as anti-nationalist or subversive.

It is small wonder that Thunderstorm (Lei-yü), first published in 1933 and performed in 1935, should have enjoyed enduring popularity among Chinese readers and theatre-goers. For the play, despite its artistic flaws, touches upon two of the most sensitive issues involved in the May Fourth Movement: a socialist concern for the plight of the workers under capitalist exploitation, and an individual effort to assert personal freedom and happiness under the crippling weight of patriarchal society. In short, Thunderstorm was so ruthless in its attacks upon traditional Chinese morals and social system that the government, on three occasions, felt impelled to place it under a ban.

What has been happening to “Economic Democracy” in Japan within the past twenty years since the end of World War II? Has die emphasis upon rapid economic growth countered the measures intended by the Allied Occupation to ensure economic democracy?

The democratic economy the Supreme Command of the Allied Powers envisioned for Japan in the years 1946-1948 was to be free of highly concentrated economic power, either in the hands of Zaibatsu or of giant corporations, was to have an Anti-Monopoly Act to promote “the democratic and wholesome development of the national economy as well as to assure the interest of the general consumer,” and was to have a “just and equal” tax law to “democratize the Japanese economy.” A thorough-going land reform and legal bona fide trade union movement also was declared to be a necessary part of economic democracy. It was, in the words of the Zaibatsu Mission, to build “a strong middle class which can influence the course of policy.”

An exhibition of 150 rare objects of Chinese art from the collection of King Gustaf VI Adolf of Sweden will be shown in six museums under the auspices of the International Exhibitions Foundation, opening at the National Gallery of Art on September tenth. Thereafter it will be shown at the Minneapolis Institute of Art; The Asia House Gallery, New York; The Cleveland Museum of Art; The M. H. de Young Museum in San Francisco and the William Rockhill Nelson Gallery of Art in Kansas City, Missouri. The selection was made by Professor Bo Gyllensvärd, Keeper of the King's collection and Director of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm, and John A. Pope, Director of the Freer Gallery of Art.