Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-gtxcr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-24T17:40:32.771Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Islam, gender segregation, and political engagement: evidence from an experiment in Tunisia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 October 2020

Sarah Sunn Bush*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, Yale University, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT06520-8301, USA
Lauren Prather
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, School of Global Policy and Strategy, University of California, San Diego, 9500 Gilman Dr. #0519, La Jolla, CA92003, USA
*
*Corresponding author. Email: sarah.bush@yale.edu

Abstract

The Arab world has historically had limited descriptive representation for women, although that is changing. Will having more women officeholders lead women citizens to become more engaged? Or could it depress engagement due to pervasive gender biases? To answer these questions, this paper uses a nationally-representative experiment in Tunisia. Unexpectedly, people were less likely to want to contact their representatives when primed to think of a mixed-gender group of officeholders compared to an all-women group. This pattern did not vary according to respondents’ gender. Further analyses reveal that the effect was concentrated among Islamists, which is consistent with some Islamists’ support for gender segregation. This finding encourages research examining women's political presence in conservative environments where gender segregation is common.

Type
Original Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the European Political Science Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abdel-Samad, M and Benstead, LJ (2018) Why does electing women and Islamist parties reduce the gender gap in service provision? Paper presented at “After the Uprisings: Public Opinion, Gender, and Conflict in the Middle East” workshop, Kansas State University.Google Scholar
Barnes, TD and Burchard, SM (2013) “Engendering” politics: the impact of descriptive representation on women's political engagement in sub-Saharan Africa. Comparative Political Studies 46, 767790.Google Scholar
Barnes, TD and O'Brien, DZ (2018) Defending the realm: the appointment of female defense ministers worldwide. American Journal of Political Science 62, 355368.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beaman, L, Chattopadhyay, R, Duflo, E, Pande, R and Topalova, P (2009) Powerful women: does exposure reduce bias?. Quarterly Journal of Economics 124, 14971540.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ben Shitrit, L (2015) Righteous Transgressions: Women's Activism on the Israeli and Palestinian Religious Right. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ben Shitrit, L (2016) Authenticating representation: women's quotas and Islamist parties. Politics & Gender 12, 781806.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Benstead, LJ (2014) Effects of interviewer–respondent gender interaction on attitudes toward women and politics: findings from Morocco. International Journal of Public Opinion Research 26, 369383.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Benstead, LJ (2016) Why quotas are needed to improve women's access to services in clientelistic regimes. Governance 29, 185205.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Benstead, LJ (2017) When Islamist parties (and Women) govern: strategy, authenticity and women's representation. In Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements, POMEPS Studies 26. Washington, DC: POMEPS, pp. 2125.Google Scholar
Benstead, LJ, Jamal, AA and Lust, E (2015) Is it gender, religiosity or both? A role congruity theory of candidate electability in transitional Tunisia. Perspectives on Politics 13, 7494.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berman, CE and Nugent, ER (2015) Defining Political Choices: Tunisia's Second Democratic Elections from the Ground Up. Washington, DC: Analysis Paper 39 for the Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution.Google Scholar
Bhavnani, RR (2009) Do electoral quotas work after they are withdrawn? Evidence from a natural experiment in India. American Political Science Review 103, 2335.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blackman, AD and Jackson, M (Forthcoming) Gender stereotypes, political leadership, and voting behavior in Tunisia. Political Behavior, forthcoming.Google Scholar
Blaydes, L and Tarouty, SE (2009) Women's electoral participation in Egypt: the implications of gender for voter recruitment and mobilization. Middle East Journal 63, 364380.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Broockman, DE (2014) Distorted communication, unequal representation: constituents communicate less to representatives not of their race. American Journal of Political Science 58, 307321.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buehler, M (2016) Do you have “connections” at the courthouse? An original survey on informal influence and judicial rulings in Morocco. Political Research Quarterly 69, 760772.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bush, SS (2011) International politics and the spread of quotas for women in legislatures. International Organization 65, 103137.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bush, SS and Prather, L (2018) Who's there? election observer identity and the local credibility of elections. International Organization 72, 659692.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Chambers, V and Cummings, C (2014) Building momentum: Women's empowerment in Tunisia. Overseas Development Institute. Available at https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/10319.pdf (Accessed 31 October 2019).Google Scholar
Charrad, MM (2001) States and Women's Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Charrad, MM and Zarrugh, A (2014) Equal or complementary? Women in the new Tunisian constitution after the Arab spring. The Journal of North African Studies 19, 230243.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Clark, JA and Schwedler, J (2003) Who opened the window? Women's activism in Islamist parties. Comparative Politics 35, 293312.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Clayton, A (2015) Women's political engagement under quota-mandated female representation: evidence from a randomized policy experiment. Comparative Political Studies 48, 333369.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Clayton, A, O'Brien, DZ and Piscopo, JM (2019) All male panels? Representation and democratic legitimacy. American Journal of Political Science 63, 113129.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
David, A and Nanes, S (2011) The women's quota in Jordan's municipal councils: international and domestic dimensions. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 32, 275304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Desposato, S and Norrander, B (2009) The gender gap in Latin America: contextual and individual influences on gender and political participation. British Journal of Political Science 39, 141162.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dimitrov, MK (2013) Vertical accountability in communist regimes: the role of citizen complaints in Bulgaria and China. In Dimitrov, MK (ed.), Why Communism Did Not Collapse: Understanding Authoritarian Regime Resilience in Asia and Europe. New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 276302.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dollar, D, Fisman, R and Gatti, R (2001) Are women really the ‘fairer’ sex? Corruption and women in government. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 46, 423429.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Donno, D and Russett, B (2004) Islam, authoritarianism, and female empowerment: what are the linkages? World Politics 56, 582607.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eagly, AH and Karau, SJ (2002) Role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders. Psychological Review 109, 573598.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Esarey, J and Schwindt-Bayer, LA (2019) Estimating causal relationships between women's representation in government and corruption. Comparative Political Studies 52, 17131741.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fearon, JD, Humphreys, M and Weinstein, JM (2015) How does development assistance affect collective action capacity? Results from a field experiment in post-conflict Liberia. American Political Science Review 109, 450469.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Findley, MG, Jensen, NM, Malesky, EJ and Pepinsky, TB (2016) Can results-free review reduce publication bias? The results and implications of a pilot study. Comparative Political Studies 49, 16671703.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fish, MS (2002) Islam and authoritarianism. World Politics 55, 437.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Franceschet, S and Piscopo, JM (2008) Gender quotas and women's substantive representation: lessons from Argentina. Politics & Gender 4, 393425.Google Scholar
Franceschet, S, Krook, ML and Piscopo, JM (2012) Conceptualizing the impact of gender quotas. In Franceschet, S, Krook, ML and Piscopo, JM (eds), The Impact of Gender Quotas: Women's Descriptive, Substantive, and Symbolic Representation. New York: Oxford, pp. 326.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gay, C (2002) Spirals of trust? The effect of descriptive representation on the relationship between citizens and their government. American Journal of Political Science 46, 717732.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gottlieb, J (2016) Why might information exacerbate the gender gap in civic participation? Evidence from Mali. World Development 86, 95110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gottlieb, J, Grossman, G and Robinson, AL (2018) Do men and women have different policy preferences in Africa? Determinants and implications of gender gaps in policy prioritization. British Journal of Political Science 48, 611636.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inglehart, R and Norris, P (2003 a) Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inglehart, R and Norris, P (2003 b) The true clash of civilizations. Foreign Policy 135, 6270.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kalla, J, Rosenbluth, F and Teele, DL (2018) Are you my mentor? A field experiment on gender, ethnicity, and political self-starters. Journal of Politics 80, 337341.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Karp, JA and Banducci, SA (2008) When politics is not just a man's game: women's representation and political engagement. Electoral Studies 27, 105115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kelly, S and Breslin, J (2010) Women's Rights in the Middle East and North Africa. New York: Freedom House.Google Scholar
Kittilson, MC and Schwindt-Bayer, LA (2012) The Gendered Effects of Electoral Institutions: Political Engagement and Participation. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kolman, I (2017) Gender activism in Salafism: a case study of Salafi women in Tunis. In Cavatorta, F and Merone, F (eds), Salafism After the Arab Awakening: Contending with People's Power. London: Hurst, pp. 187203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krook, ML (2009) Quotas for Women in Politics: Gender and Candidate Selection Reform Worldwide. New York: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krook, ML (2016) Contesting gender quotas: dynamics of resistance. Politics, Groups, and Identities 4, 268283.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lussier, DN (2011) Contacting and complaining: political participation and the failure of democracy in Russia. Political Research Quarterly 27, 289325.Google Scholar
Lussier, DN (2016) Constraining Elites in Russia and Indonesia: Political Participation and Regime Survival. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mansbridge, J (1999) Should blacks represent blacks and women represent women? A contingent “yes”. Journal of Politics 61, 628657.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Masoud, T, Jamal, A and Nugent, E (2016) Using the Qur’ān to empower Arab women? Theory and experimental evidence from Egypt. Comparative Political Studies 49, 15551598.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Petkanas, Z (2013) From visible to invisible: Tunisia's gendered democracy paradox. CGHR Working Paper 3, Centre of Governance and Human Rights, University of Cambridge.Google Scholar
Ross, ML (2008) Oil, Islam, and women. American Political Science Review 102, 107123.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sater, JN (2007). Changing politics from below? Women parliamentarians in Morocco. Democratization 14, 723742.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shalaby, M ( 2016) Challenges facing women's political participation post Arab spring: the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. In Shalaby, M and Moghadam, VM (eds), Empowering Women after the Arab Spring. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 171191.Google Scholar
Tavana, D and Russell, A (2014) Previewing Tunisia's Parliamentary & Presidential Elections. Washington, DC: Project on Middle East Democracy.Google Scholar
Torelli, S (2017) The multi-faceted dimensions of Tunisian Salafism. In Cavatorta, F and Merone, F (eds), Salafism After the Arab Awakening: Contending with People's Power. London: Hurst, pp. 155167.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wolbrecht, C and Campbell, DE (2007) Leading by example: female members of parliament as political role models. American Journal of Political Science 51, 921939.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wolf, A (2017) Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zetterberg, P (2009) Do gender quotas foster women's political engagement? Lessons from Latin America. Political Research Quarterly 62, 715730.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zetterberg, P (2012) Political engagement and democratic legitimacy in Mexico. In Franceschet, S, Krook, ML and Piscopo, JM (eds), The Impact of Gender Quotas: Women's Descriptive, Substantive, and Symbolic Representation. New York: Oxford, pp. 173189.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Supplementary material: Link

Bush and Prather Dataset

Link
Supplementary material: PDF

Bush and Prather supplementary material

Bush and Prather supplementary material

Download Bush and Prather supplementary material(PDF)
PDF 552.7 KB