A new drug is introduced to the market. It has been approved (after stringent scrutiny) by regulators, who require ever more convincing evidence for safety and efficacy. Aside from the increased costs of the new treatment compared with the old, what could the problems be?

The need for specific psychiatric services for women has been debated by many practitioners involved in care delivery and management of women with differing degrees of mental health problems.

Stalking (Box 1) has only recently been distinguished from a wide range of other socially inappropriate, intrusive and potentially distressing activities. It is now a specific form of criminal offending and has established itself as a recognised social problem (Meloy, 1998; Mullen et al, 2000). Stalking may well reflect, as Emerson et al (1998) argue, “intricate social processes”, but if the psychopathology of the stalker is a necessary, even if far from sufficient, cause then treating that psychopathology may end the stalking (Mullen & Pathé, 2001).

The association of life events with the onset of various psychiatric disorders is well-known. The body of evidence has highlighted the impact of negative or positive life events on the genesis of common mental disorders, especially depression. These findings have been replicated across different cultures, although the impact of different life events varies between cultures. In addition, the roles of chronic difficulties (defined in Life events and psychiatric disorders, below) and resulting ongoing chronic stress have been shown to contribute to vulnerability to certain mental illnesses. However, data on the impact of life events, especially those perceived as racial, on members of minority ethnic groups are rather sparse. The questions that need to be addressed concern the perception of life events as racial, the role of pervasive and perceived institutional and individual racism, and chronic difficulties.

“Evidence-based medicine builds upon, rather than disparages or neglects, the evidence gained from good clinical skills and sound clinical experience.” (Sackett, 1995: p. 840)

Dependence on alcohol or other drugs is a depressing experience. The way of life of the individual who is dependent on alcohol is replete with incidents that are demoralising, waking daily with a hangover or with tremor and retching, coupled with amnesia for events of the night before, a sense of inability to face the day ahead and awareness of recriminations at work and at home. Little wonder that depressed mood is common in such circumstances. Similarly, the drug addict, when life is dominated by the daily problem of obtaining supplies of a substance that brings transient relief or pleasure but also experiences of an impoverished existence and low mood. Add to this the fact that the biological action of many commonly misused substances can induce depression then it is hardly surprising that depression is common in this population. There are also a smaller number who use alcohol or illicit drugs to cope with primary depression. Teasing out the interplay of affect and substance misuse is a challenge for the general psychiatrist and the addiction specialist.

The term ‘therapeutic community’ is usually used in the UK to describe small cohesive communities where patients (often referred to as residents) have a significant involvement in decision-making and the practicalities of running the unit. Based on ideas of collective responsibility, citizenship and empowerment, therapeutic communities are deliberately structured in a way that encourages personal responsibility and avoids unhelpful dependency on professionals. Patients are seen as bringing strengths and creative energy into the therapeutic setting, and the peer group is seen as all-important in establishing a strong therapeutic alliance. The flattened hierarchy and delegated decision-making are sometimes misunderstood as anarchy by outsiders. However, staff in modern therapeutic communities are deeply aware of the need for strong leadership and their responsibility to provide a safe ‘frame’ for therapeutic work (Association of Therapeutic Communities, 1999).

The practice of brief psychotherapy is a distillate of the active ingredients in longer-term work but with the addition of two special elements: limited time and therapist activity in formulating a focus and focusing on it. Typically, patient and therapist work together over 10 to 25 sessions in weekly meetings. In very brief dynamic psychotherapy (VBDT), the time frame is shrunk to fewer than 10 sessions, sometimes just a single session; the constraint means that there is less room for corrective manoeuvre in order to achieve the therapeutic task of maximum benefit and minimum harm in the time available. To do this well requires knowledge, skill and sensitivity. In this paper, special attention is paid to a ‘three-plusone’ intervention (brief intervention and followup (BRF)) that has been tested in a randomised controlled trial (RCT).

What does it mean to respect autonomy and encourage meaningful consent to treatment in the case of patients who have dementia or are otherwise incompetent? This question has been thrown into sharp relief by the Law Lords' decision in R.v Bournewood Community and Mental Health NHS Trust, ex parte L (1998). The effect of the Law Lords' ruling in the Bournewood judgment is to reinforce problematic and serious anomalies in the way we view patients whose competence is in doubt because of their mental disorder. Others, such as relatives and informal carers, are frequently allowed to decide on behalf of adults whose competence is doubtful in a way that English law generally abhors, even for totally incompetent patients in a persistent vegetative state. This raises profound questions about autonomy. And incompetent adults' consent to treatment is not required to be of the same quality as it is for the rest of us: mere absence of resistance will do. This paper will explore the philosophical, jurisprudential and legal implications of this difference. Throughout I will be more concerned with the ramifications of a finding of incapacity than with how such a finding is made (for the latter, see such classic texts as Applebaum & Roth (1982), Grisso & Applebaum (1998) and Bellhouse et al (2001)).

In this paper I outline the assessment, engagement and management of children and adolescents with somatising conditions. The major diagnostic groups, in rough order of prevalence, are adjustment, dissociative (transient and chronic), somatoform and factitious disorders and chronic fatigue. See Eminson (2001) for more detailed descriptions and subtypes.