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The Cronica de Anglia in London, British Library, Cotton MS Vitellius C.VIII, fols. 6v–21v: Another Product of John of Worcester's History Workshop

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Paul Antony Hayward*
Affiliation:
Lancaster University

Abstract

This article comprises a study and edition of the Cronica de Anglia, a significant but neglected history of England from AD 162 to 1125 whose importance lies chiefly in its connections to other accounts of the period. Though it is uniquely preserved in a late twelfth-century manuscript from Rievaulx Abbey, close reading confirms that it was composed between 1125 and 1137, not in the north of England but in the West Midlands, almost certainly at Worcester Cathedral Priory. If it is not the work of the priory's foremost historian, John of Worcester (d. after 1143), then it was almost certainly produced under his direction. Not only are its contents closely related to his Chronica chronicarum and Chronicula, they also shed new light on John's interests and the ways in which he and his helpers compiled and edited their histories. Turning to another purpose materials used in John's other works, Cronica de Anglia arranges them in order to speak to questions about the relative antiquity and status of the kingdom's bishoprics, churches, and monasteries — a concern not otherwise prominent in this corpus. This chronicle also sheds precious light on the immediate reception of William of Malmesbury's histories of the English, especially the first edition of Gesta pontificum Anglorum. Carefully suppressing dangerous nuances in William's reportage, Cronica de Anglia betrays John's anxiety to avoid becoming entangled in Malmesbury's campaign against the king's chief minister, Bishop Roger of Salisbury (1102–39). The article concludes with the first complete edition of the text.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 Liebermann, Felix, ed., Ungedruckte anglo-normannische Geschichtsquellen (Strassburg, 1879), cited below as ANG, 15–24. Cf. Hardy, Thomas D., Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to Great Britain and Ireland to the End of the Reign of Henry VII, RS 26, 3 vols. in 4 pts. (1862–71), 2:88 (no. 124). In what follows, Cronica de Anglia will be cited in the text by reference to the section numbers of the edition, which, comprising the main component of the present article, appears at its conclusion. The following abbreviations will be employed: BHL = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis, Subsidia Hagiographica 6, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1898–99), Novum Supplementum, ed. Fros, Henryk, Subsidia Hagiographica 70 (Brussels, 1986); OMT = Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1950–); RS = Rerum Britannicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores, or Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages (London, 1858–); S =Sawyer, Peter H., Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 8 (London, 1968).Google Scholar

2 John of Worcester, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. and trans. Darlington, R. R., McGurk, Patrick, and Bray, Jennifer, 3 vols., OMT (1995–), cited hereafter as JWCC; William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum Anglorum, ed. and trans. Thomson, Rodney M. and Winterbottom, Michael, OMT, 2 vols. (2007), cited hereafter as WMGP. Since John's version of Chronica chronicarum has yet to be edited in full and because their variants have a bearing on what follows, it will sometimes be necessary to refer to the original manuscripts, in particular the autograph (Oxford, Corpus Christi College MS 157), the interpolated text from Bury St. Edmunds (Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 297), that from Abingdon (London, Lambeth Palace Library MS 42), and that from Peterborough (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 92, fols. 1r–167v). They will be cited according to the usual sigla, that is, C, B, L, and P, respectively. In keeping with the usual practice, the annals are distinguished according to the Anno-Domini reckoning of Dionysius Exiguus rather than the alternative series of Marianus Scotus. The following abbreviations are used for the cognate texts: JWBishops = the episcopal tables as found in C, pp. 39–46; JWKings = the summary histories as found in C, pp. 47–54; JWChronicula = the breviate version of Chronica chronicarum found in Dublin, Trinity College MS 503, fols. 37r–113v.Google Scholar

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8 There are two sequences of folio numbers on the folios with which this article is concerned. That on the cardboard frames, followed here, runs from 4 to 21; an older sequence on the leaves themselves proceeds 18, 19 and then from 2 to 17. For the story of how the damage was repaired, seePrescott, Andrew, ‘“Their Present Miserable State of Cremation’: The Restoration of the Cotton Library,” in Sir Robert Cotton as Collector: Essays on an Early Stuart Courtier and His Legacy, ed. Wright, C. J. (London, 1997), 391454, esp. 411, 428, and n167.Google Scholar

9 Cf. Planta, Joseph, A Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library Deposited in the British Museum (London, 1808), 424.Google Scholar

10 Abelard, Peter, Carmen ad Astralabium: A Critical Edition, ed. Rubingh-Bosscher, José M. A. (Groningen, 1987), 65. There is a detailed account of the present manuscript at ibid., 47–50, and of its relationship to the textual tradition at ibid., 61–65, 80–82.Google Scholar

11 De excidio Troiae, ed. Meister, , 5052.Google Scholar

12 Mythographus primus, §132, ed. Kulcsár, Peter, Mythographi Vaticani I et II, CCL 91C (1987), 3–91, at 55. On this addition to the De excidio, see d'Arcier, , Histoire et géographie d'un mythe, 31 and 165.Google Scholar

13 That is, Royal 6.C.VIII, fols. 1–122; Vitellius C.VIII, fols. 4–5; Royal 6.C.VIII, fols. 123–133; Vitellius C.VIII, fols. 6–21.Google Scholar

14 E.g., Royal 6.C.VIII, fols. 2v, 15r, 26r, 29v, 40v, 41v, 59r, 73r, 73v, 78r, 81v, 96v, 120r, 123r; Vitellius C.VIII, fol. 6v. Images from the two MSS can be consulted at the British Library website, in the Online Gallery (www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/) and in the Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts (www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/). Cf. Thomson, Rodney M., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Medieval Manuscripts in Worcester Cathedral Library (Cambridge, 2001), xvii, n. 1, who thinks that “the local style” of the initials suggests “a Worcester origin if not provenance” for the manuscript as well as the contents of the book.Google Scholar

15 Cambridge, Jesus College MS 34, fols. 1r–5r, ed. Bell, David N., The Libraries of the Cistercians, Gilbertines and Premonstratensians, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues 3 (London, 1992), no. Z19.119 (§119). See also idem, An Index of Authors and Works in Cistercian Libraries in Great Britain, Cistercian Studies 130 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1992), 108; Ker, Neil R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: A List of Surviving Books, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 3, 2nd ed. (London, 1964), 159 and n8.Google Scholar

16 The contents of the entire book are listed, after the precise wording of the rubrics, as no. 2 in the catalog of Savile's manuscripts (BL Add. MS 35213, fols. 5–32): seeGilson, Julius P., “The Library of Henry Savile of Banke,” Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 9 (1906–8): 126210, at 140–41; Watson, Andrew G., The Manuscripts of Henry Savile of Banke (London, 1989), 17. The owner's inscription, NETLTON HNRY SAVIL., appears in shorthand at the top of fol. 1r of Royal 6.C.VIII.Google Scholar

17 BL Harley 6018, fols. 79–80 (no. 169). For the use and early circulation of the book while it was in Cotton's possession, see the data assembled byTite, Colin G. C., The Early Records of Sir Robert Cotton's Library: Formation, Cataloguing, Use (London, 2003), 163.Google Scholar

18 Annales Plymptonienses, s.a. 1137, ed. ANG (n. 1 above), 26–30, at 27.Google Scholar

19 JWCC, s.a. 1138 (3:240).Google Scholar

20 The date is noted in JWCC, s.a. 1125.Google Scholar

21 WMGP, 5.278.3–4. See also the commentary, ibid., 2:325.Google Scholar

22 Further evidence for the author's reliance on the first edition can be found in §§39 and 67.Google Scholar

23 Freeman, Elizabeth, Narratives of the New Order: Cistercian Historical Writing in England, 1150–1220, Medieval Church Studies 2 (Turnhout, 2002), 116(emphasis added). Oddly, Freeman seems at one point to believe that Cronica de Anglia was composed while Henry I was alive (ibid., 117), but she fails to explain how Rievaulx could have produced so complex a work so soon after it was founded in March 1132. How, in the space of those three years, did it accumulate the requisite resources? Cf. also eadem, “Annals of Rievaulx,” in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, ed. Dunphy, Graeme et al., 2 vols. (Leiden, 2010), 1:82.Google Scholar

24 BL Cotton MS Claudius A.V and Harley MS 3641. The former has been dated to the mid-twelfth century, the latter to the end of the century: seeWMGP, 1:xiiixiv.Google Scholar

25 Vita S. Oswaldi regis (BHL 6365), §1, ed. Arnold, Thomas, Symeonis monachi opera omnia, RS 75, 2 vols. (1882–85), 1:326–85, at 339. Cf. Richard of Hexham, De statu et episcopis Hagustaldensis ecclesiae, ed. and prologue byRaine, James, The Priory of Hexham: Its Chroniclers, Endowments and Annals, 2 vols., Surtees Society Publications 64 and 66 (London, 1864–65), 1:1–62, at 2, who places the boundary on the River Tees. None of the pre-Conquest sources now extant defines the boundary between the two kingdoms, but it may be inferred from the evidence provided byBede, , Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, 4.2, ed. Colgrave, Bertram and Mynors, R. A. B., OMT (1969), 332–34, cited hereafter as“Bede, , HE,” that Richard was right insofar as it probably lay on the River Tees: seeBlair, Peter Hunter, “The Boundary between Bernicia and Deira,” Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th ser., 27 (1949): 46–59, esp. 52–58; Charles-Edwards, Thomas M. O., Wales and the Britons, 350–1064 (Oxford, 2012), 383.Google Scholar

26 That it was compiled at Worcester in the middle of the twelfth century was previously suggested by McGurk in his edition of JWCC, 3:44n2, andHayward, Paul Antony, ed., The Winchcombe and Coventry Chronicles: Hitherto Unnoticed Witnesses to the Work of John of Worcester, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 373, 2 vols. (Tempe, AZ, 2010), 143, 246.Google Scholar

27 Epistola de archiepiscopis Eboraci, ed. Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 1:222–28. Since the list of archbishops of York in the main witness (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 139, fols. 48v–49v), ends with Thurstan (§4), it must date from after 1114. The letter is addressed to a dean of York named “Hugh,” implying composition before 1135 when he (or perhaps the second of two successive deans of that name) retired to Fountains Abbey: seeGreenway, Diana E. et al., eds., John Le Neve: Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066–1300 (London, 1968–), 6:7; Burton, Janet E., ed., English Episcopal Acta, vol. 5, York, 1070–1154 (London, 1988), 120; Sharpe, Richard, “Symeon as Pamphleteer,” in Symeon of Durham, Historian of Durham and the North, ed. Rollason, David W., Studies in North-Eastern History 1 (Stamford, UK, 1998), 214–29, at 218–19.Google Scholar

28 JWCC, s.a. 1117, following Eadmer of Canterbury, Historia novorum in Anglia, bk. 5, ed. Rule, Martin, RS 81 (1884), 237–38.Google Scholar

29 Symeon of Durham, Historia regum, s.a. 1116, ed. Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:3283, at 249–50, citingBede, , HE, 332.Google Scholar

30 JWCC, s.a. 1119, followingEadmer, , Historia novorum, bk. 5, pp. 255–58.Google Scholar

31 Symeon, , Historia regum, s.a. 1119, p. 254.Google Scholar

32 No such ruler is mentioned in Geoffrey of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of Britain: An Edition and Translation of De gestis Britonum, ed. Reeve, Michael D., trans. Wright, Neil (Woodbridge, 2007), nor does he cover the foundation of Worcester (cf. §§116, 156, 196).Google Scholar

33 Bosworth, Joseph, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Based on the Manuscript Collections of the Late Joseph Bosworth, ed. Toller, Thomas N. (Oxford, 1908–21), 581.Google Scholar

34 For this suggestion, seeGelling, Margaret, “The Place-Name Volumes for Worcestershire and Warwickshire: A New Look,” in Field and Forest: An Historical Geography of Warwickshire and Worcestershire, ed. Slater, T. R. and Jarvis, P. J. (Norwich, 1982), 5978, at 69; Hooke, Della, The Anglo-Saxon Landscape: The Kingdom of Hwicce (Manchester, 1985), 10–11.Google Scholar

35 Though Wigornensis episcopus had become the usual formula by the end of the ninth century, the bishops were sometimes self-consciously styled as Hwicciorum episcopus in charters dating from the tenth century: e.g., S 1290, where Bishop Cenwald (929–57) appears as praesul Huicciorum, and S 1352, where Bishop Oswald (961–92) appears as Hwicciorum archiepiscopus. For printed texts, seeCodex diplomaticus aevi Saxonici, ed. Kemble, John M., 6 vols. (London, 1839–48), nos. 466 and 649. Cf.Bede, , HE, 5.23 (p. 558), where the diocese is defined as that of the prouincia Huicciorum.Google Scholar

36 The name might derive from that for a local river called Vigora, a Gallo-Celtic name that may have meant “winding river”:Mawer, Allen and Stenton, Frank M., The Place-Names of Worcestershire, English Place Name Society 4 (Cambridge, 1927), 1920; Hooke, , Anglo-Saxon Landscape, 34.Google Scholar

37 The error originated in WMGP, 4.179.1, but the pattern of verbal parallels implies that both sections were more closely related to JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048. In the margins of C, John's autograph manuscript, the relevant item presently reads Hertfordensi instead of Bedefordensi, but Hertfor- is there written over an erasure. The copy made at Bury St. Edmunds, MS B, has Herfordensis.Google Scholar

38 Trumwine is identified as the first bishop of Candida Casa — a see located in the land of the Picts — in JW's table of northern bishops (C, p. 45).Bede, , HE, 4.12, 26 (pp. 370, 428), clearly implies that Trumwine's see was based at Abercorn, and close to the Firth of Forth, but in ibid., 3.4, he had also treated Ninian (whose see was located at Candida Casa) as a missionary active among the “southern Picts.”Google Scholar

39 Since it was available when the Cronica was produced, the version that matters most for present purposes is that found in (1) Liège, Bibliothèque de l'Université MS 369C, fols. 88r–94r (s.xii2/4, Durham?), and (2) BL Cotton MS Domitian A. VIII, fols. 2r–11r (s.xiii1, England). In these copies the original hands enumerate the bishops of Durham as far as Ranulf Flambard (1099–1128) and the archbishops of Canterbury as far William of Corbeil (1123–36). Their successors were consecrated in 1133 and 1139 (Greenway, Fasti [n. 27 above], 2:4, 30). The episcopal lists were extended a little further in the making of two slightly later copies: (3) Oxford, Magdalen College MS 53, pp. 145–68 (s. 1135×39, Tynemouth or St. Albans?); and (4) BL Cotton MS Caligula A. VIII, fols. 28r–36r (s.xii3/4, Durham). An expanded version, much indebted to the prelims to the Chronica chronicarum (and perhaps also to Cronica de Anglia) and dating from between 1164 and 1173, is preserved in (5) Durham, Cathedral Library MS B.II.35, fols. 131r–141v (s. 1164×73, Durham); and (6) Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 66, pp. 66–98 (s.xii4/4, Durham? / s.xiiex, Sawley). The version found in (1) is partially printed inArnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:365–84; that found in (4) inHinde, John Hodgson, Symeonis Dunelmensis opera et collectanea, Surtees Society Publications 51 (Durham, 1868), 202–15. The best account of the dating and provenance of these manuscripts remainsMeehan, Bernard, “A Reconsideration of the Historical Works Associated with Symeon of Durham: Manuscripts, Texts and Influences” (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 1979), 66–75, 125–66; idem, “Durham Twelfth-Century Manuscripts in Cistercian Houses,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, ed. Rollason, David W., Harvey, Margaret, and Prestwich, Michael(Woodbridge, 1994), 439–49, esp. 446. But for the dating and construction of (1), seeEckhardt, Caroline D., “Geoffrey of Monmouth's Prophetia Merlini and the Construction of Liège University MS 369C,” Manuscripta 32 (1988): 176–84. On the later versions of De aduentu, see alsoNorton, Christopher, “History, Wisdom and Illumination,” in Symeon of Durham, ed. Rollason, (n. 27 above), 61–105, esp. 76–77, 82–86. On the influence of De primo Saxonum adventu, seeLawrence-Mathers, Anne, “William of Newburgh and the Northumbrian Construction of English History,” Journal of Medieval History 33 (2007): 339–57, esp. 347–50; Offler, H. S., Medieval Historians of Durham (Durham, 1958), esp. 11–12.Google Scholar

40 On the corpus of pre-Conquest lists of kings and bishops and its evolution, seeDumville, David N., “Kingship, Genealogies and Regnal Lists,” in Early Medieval Kingship, ed. Sawyer, Peter H. and Wood, Ian N. (Leeds, 1977), 72104; Page, R. I., “Anglo-Saxon Episcopal Lists, Parts I and II,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 9 (1965): 71–95; idem, “Anglo-Saxon Episcopal Lists, Part III,” ibid. 10 (1966): 2–24; Keynes, Simon D., “Episcopal Lists,” in The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge, Michael et al., 2nd ed. (Oxford, 2014), 177–78.Google Scholar

41 Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:366; Rollason, , Symeon of Durham, p1. 23.Google Scholar

42 Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:372.Google Scholar

43 Printed by Benjamin Thorpe from MSS C, B, L, and P inFlorentii Chronicon ex Chronicis, 1:258–76.Google Scholar

44 JWChronicula, fols. 64v–69v. It should be noted that this manuscript preserves two alternative sets of the summary histories. There is the partial set just mentioned, which occurs among the folios copied by John himself (fols. 37r–113v), and there is the complete set, which is found among those folios that were added to the book in the mid-twelfth century, after it had reached Gloucester (fols. 1v–36v and 113v–151v). The latter set is almost identical to that found in the autograph of JWCC (C, pp. 47–54).Google Scholar

45 JWChronicula, fols. 64v, 71v, and 76r: “… succincte perstringimus in hac chronicula nostra …”; “Horum omnium acta pessima, qui nosse uoluerit, seriatim pleniusque reperiet scripta in cronicarum chronica. Huic uero libello dumtaxat utiliora studuimus inserere”; “Hęc seriatim omnia scire uolentibus, patefaciet chronicarum chronica. Huic uero libello hec minime inseruimus breuitatis causa.” SeeHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), 74.Google Scholar

46 Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 65v.Google Scholar

47 Cf.McGurk, Patrick, “The Metrical Calendar of Hampson: A New Edition,” Analecta Bollandiana 104 (1986): 79125; Lapidge, Michael, “A Tenth-Century Metrical Calendar from Ramsey,” Revue Bénédictine 104 (1984): 326–69; repr. in idem, Anglo-Latin Literature, 900–1066 (London, 1993), 343–86; AndréWilmart, , “Un témoin anglo-saxon du calendrier métrique d'York,” Revue Bénédictine 46 (1934): 41–69.Google Scholar

48 Lapidge, , “A Metrical Calendar from Ramsey,” 377.Google Scholar

49 There are, for example, many examples among verses that appear in the calendar of the Winchcombe Computus (BL Cotton MS Tiberius E.IV, fols. 35r–40v), ed. Lapidge, , “A Metrical Calendar from Ramsey,” 383–86. There is, it should be noted, every likelihood that Worcester supplied the main exemplar for this calendar: seeHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 100, 103, 169–73.Google Scholar

50 Cronica de Anglia, §§1–4, 6–7, 11–22, 25–35, 38–39, 41–56, 58–60, 63–65, 68–81. For the cross-references to JWCC, see the apparatus to the edition that follows below.Google Scholar

51 Cronica de Anglia, §§82–87.Google Scholar

52 Cronica de Anglia, §§7, 8, 9, 19, 28, 31, 36, 37, 39, 46, 47.Google Scholar

53 Cronica de Anglia, §§20, 36, 56, 57, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 83, 85, 86.Google Scholar

54 The rubric to this section implies that the author knew that the survey of Britain near the conclusion ofBede, , HE, 5.23, was its ultimate source, but the matching passage in JWCC, s.a. 731, nowhere makes that explicit. I say “seems to show” because although the rubrics were probably supplied by the author, there remains a possibility that they were provided by a scribe. But for another instance, consider Cronica de Anglia, §20.Google Scholar

55 For the other examples, see Cronica de Anglia, §§1, 2, 3, 7, 15, 25, 31, 32, 39, 46, 47, 83, 86.Google Scholar

56 JWKings (C, pp. 48, 49, and 51), printed inThorpe, Benjamin, Florentii Wigorniensis Monachi Chronicon ex Chronicis, English Historical Society Publications 13, 2 vols. (London, 1848–49), 1:260, 262, 270–71.Google Scholar

57 Winchcombe Chronicle, s.a. 823, 861, 870, ed. Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 2:355543, at 472, 480.Google Scholar

58 E.g., Arnold, , Symeonis opera omnia, 2:373: “Cnut regnauit fere xix. annis. Cui successit Haroldus, eius ex concubina filius, regnans v. annis. Post quem Hardecnud, filius Cnutonis et Emmæ, frater Eadwardi, qui regnauit ii. annis, xv. diebus minus.”Google Scholar

59 Bates, David, ed., Regesta regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I (1066–1087) (Oxford, 1998), no. 39, p. 206: “Abbas uero e contra quomodo Canutus rex a predicta ecclesia cum communi consilio archiepiscoporum, episcoporum et optimatum suorum presbiteros qui inibi inordinate uiuebant eiecerit et monachos posuerit. Quoadque postmodum ipsam ecclesiam Ægelnodus archiepiscopus Cantuariensis iussu prelibati regis dedicauerit atque primum abbatem loci illius episcopus Lundoniensis, secundum episcopus Uuintoniensis, ipsum etiam Balduuinum qui tertius est abbas, archiepiscopus Cantuuariensis sacrauerit, et quia per LIII annos sine alicuius iamdicti Arfasti antecessoris contradictione monachi predicti loci a quibus uoluerunt episcopis ordines susceperint ex ordine luculenter enarrauit.” On the authenticity and date of this diploma, see the discussion in ibid., 202–5; idem, “The Forged Charters of William the Conqueror and Bishop William of St Callais,” in Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, ed. Rollason, David W., Harvey, Margaret, and Prestwich, Michael(Woodbridge, 1994), 111–24.Google Scholar

60 This narrative would seem to have emerged after the Conquest, in the 1080s or 1090s. Certainly, an exemption from this aspect of diocesan authority is not specified in the bull Quamquam sedes, which Abbot Baldwin obtained from Alexander II in 1071 (JL 4692, ed. Hervey, Francis, The Pinchbeck Register, 2 vols. [Brighton, 1925], 1:24; JWCC, 2:647–48) or in the foundation charter attributed to Cnut (S 980, ed. Goodwin, C. W., “On Two Ancient Charters in the Possession of the Corporation of Kings Lynn,” Norfolk Archaeology 4 [1855]: 93–117, at 108–11), though the earliest version of this document probably dates from the same period (see Lowe, Kathryn A., “Bury St Edmunds and Its Liberty: A Charter-Text and Its Afterlife,” English Manuscript Studies 1100–1700 17 [2013]: 155–72, esp. 155–60). Cnut's charter frees the house “eternally from the dominion of every bishop of that shire”; Alexander's bull places the monastery under papal protection, prohibits its conversion into an episcopal see, and anathematizes anyone who would dare to disturb its monks and their possessions. The bull granted in 1123 by Pope Calixtus II is the earliest to specify that the monks were allowed to receive consecrations, ordinations, and other episcopalia from the bishop of their choice (JL 7074, ed. Holtzmann, Walther, Papsturkunden in England, 3 vols., Abh. Göttingen, neue Folge 25, dritte Folge 14–15 and 33 [Berlin, 1930–52], 3:131–33). Note also that the charter attributed to Harthacnut (S 995, ed. Goodwin, , “Two Ancient Charters,” 113–17) prohibits archbishops and bishops from celebrating masses, doing justice, or exercising any form of lordship over the monks, clerics, or laypeople of the abbey, but it is not explicit about the blessing of its abbots, and it was probably forged during the reign of Henry I. Cf. Gransden, Antonia, “Baldwin, Abbot of Bury St Edmunds, 1065–1097,” Anglo-Norman Studies 4 (1982): 65–76, at 70–72.Google Scholar

61 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 297. It should be noted that a copy of the 1081 charter also appears among the many interpolations that were inserted into Chronica chronicarum at Bury: see JWCC (B), 3:310–12 (s.a. 1081). A few echoes of Cronica de Anglia, §62, also occur in the accounts of the reform and dedication of the church at Bury that were interpolated under the years 1020 and 1032: ibid., 2:643.Google Scholar

62 SeeSharpe, Richard, “Reconstructing the Medieval Library of Bury St Edmunds Abbey: The Lost Catalogue of Henry Kirkstead,” in Bury St Edmunds: Medieval Art, Architecture, Archaeology and Economy, ed. Gransden, Antonia, British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 20 (Leeds, 1998), 204–18, esp. 211; Thomson, Rodney M., “The Library of Bury St Edmund's Abbey in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” Speculum 47 (1972): 617–45, esp. 641–43.Google Scholar

63 Cf. Herman of Bury, Miracula S. Eadmundi (BHL 2395–96), §§25–29, ed. Arnold, Thomas, Memorials of St Edmund's Abbey, RS 96, 3 vols. (1890–96), i, 26–92, at 60–67. Writing apparently after the death in 1097/98 of Abbot Baldwin, who is described in the prologue as being of felix memoria, Herman used the charter of William I for his account of the 1081 trial, but he selects somewhat different words and adds details such as the names of the first two abbots, Ufi and Leofstan — details that would probably have crept into §62 of Cronica de Anglia if its author had used it. Similar material, devoid however of telling verbal echoes, also appears in the margins of the Easter Tables of the Bury Psalter, alongside the years 1019 and 1032: Vatican City, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana MS Reg. lat. 12, fols. 16v and 17v (cf. Thompson, Edward Maunde, Herbert, John A., and Bell, Harold Idris, eds., The New Palaeographical Society Facsimiles of Ancient Manuscripts: Second Series, 2 vols. [London, 1913–30], pls. 166–68).Google Scholar

64 Cf. Charters of Sherborne, ed. Donovan, Mary A. Ó, Anglo-Saxon Charters 3 (Oxford, 1988), xviiixix; Acta of William I (1066–1087), 205.Google Scholar

65 Book three was printed by Georg Waitz in MGH Scriptores, vol. 5 (1864), 481–562, but the conception and organization of the work is best grasped by consulting the surviving manuscripts: (1) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana MS Pal. lat. 830; (2) BL Cotton MS Nero C.V, fols. 27r–159r. For an excellent overview of Marianus's project, seeVerbist, Peter, Duelling with the Past: Medieval Authors and the Problem of the Christian Era (c. 990–1135), Studies in the Early Middle Ages 21 (Turnhout, 2009), 85143. See also idem, “Reconstructing the Past: The Chronicle of Marianus Scottus,” Peritia 16 (2002): 284–334; idem, “Abbo of Fleury and the Computational Accuracy of the Christian Era,” in Time and Eternity: The Medieval Discourse, ed. Jaritz, Gerhard and Moreno-Riano, Gerson(Turnhout, 2003), 63–80; von den Brincken, Anna Dorothee, “Marianus Scottus als Universalhistoriker iuxta veritatem Evangelii,” in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. Löwe, Heinz, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1982), 2:970–1009.Google Scholar

66 E.g., Marianus places the election of Pope Gregory the Great in the 615th year of the uerior assertio (numbered in red ink); in the 11th year of Maurice, the 62nd emperor of the Romans; and the 593rd year of the Dionysian era, the final date having been assigned to the other side of the annal. This is the arrangement in the autograph, Pal. lat. 830, fol. 151v; in Nero C.V, fols. 142v–143r, the first two items are reversed.Google Scholar

67 E.g., Corpus 157, p. 255. Here the order of the numerals is the same as in Pal. lat. 830, but John has modified Marianus by assigning the election of Gregory I to the year 614/592.Google Scholar

68 Both chronicles are edited inHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), 356543and 546–701.Google Scholar

69 E.g., JWChronicula, G, fols. 48r–49v, where the papacy of Gregory I is covered within a long entry that begins “in the year of the Lord 604.” That year was the first of the Emperor Maurice's reign according to Marianus's revised chronology, and the entry covers the whole of his reign as emperor. According to the Dionysian system Maurice ruled from 582 to 602.Google Scholar

70 SeeHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 6465, 76.Google Scholar

71 E.g., Cronica de Anglia, §72, on the foundation of Hyde Abbey. The source, which Liebermann missed, is JWCC, s.a. 1111. Cf. alsod'Arcier, , Histoire et géographie d'un mythe (n. 4 above), 53, who misleadingly describes Cronica de Anglia as a chronicle “close to that of William of Malmesbury.”Google Scholar

72 The direct source, for example, of Cronica de Anglia, §1, was not Bede, HE, 5.24 (p. 562), as Liebermann suggested in ANG, 16, but JWCC (C, p. 217), s.a. 162. The section on Aidan and Lindisfarne depends, likewise, not on Bede, HE, 3.3 (pp. 218–20), and WMGP, 3.126.1, as Liebermann suggested in ANG, 17, but on JWBishops (C, p. 45) and JWCC, s.a. 995.Google Scholar

73 I say “partial autograph” because C began life as a fair copy made about a half-to-two-thirds of the way into the process of compiling Chronica chronicarum. It conflates the initial stages of composition (between ca. 1095 to ca. 1131), while the modifications and additions, though numerous, bear witness only to the final stages of the process (between ca. 1131 and ca. 1143). For a fuller explanation, seeBrett, Martin, “John of Worcester and His Contemporaries,” in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern, ed. Davis, Ralph H. C. and Wallace Hadrill, John M. (Oxford, 1981), 101–26; Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 64–76; and McGurk's introductions to JWCC, 2:xvii–lxxxi, and 3:xv–1.Google Scholar

74 ANG, 16, citing passages that have now been printed in JWCC, s.a. 629, 633. Benjamin Thorpe suppressed the marginalia in his edition, Florentii Chronicon ex Chronicis. On the authorship of the Chronica chronicarum, and Florence's role in the project, seeMcGurk, in JWCC, 2:xviiviii; Brett, , “John of Worcester,” 104, 111–12; and Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 64–65.Google Scholar

75 Cronica de Anglia, §§4, 17, 22, 25, 29, 32–35, 38–46, 49, 52, 55, 56, 58, 64, 66–67, 75–81.Google Scholar

76 E.g., (1) JWCC, s.a. 675, where material about Barking and Chertsey, derived in part from WMGP, 2.73.11–15 and added by C3 to the margin of C, has passed into all the other witnesses; (2) JWCC, s.a. 932, where material about St. Byrnstan, derived from WMGP, 2.75.24, and added by C3 to the margin of C, has passed into all the other witnesses.Google Scholar

77 Borrowings from WMGP that appear in all three manuscripts (CBP) figure in the most recent edition, JWCC, under the years 463, 481, 543, 629, 633, 644, 652, 653, 661, 666, 667, 678, 685, 688, 705, 734, 736, 744, 745, 748, 781, 789, 828, 836, 867, 880, 882, 885, 897, 909, 920, 932, 934, 937, 957, 959, 961, 972, 976, 990, 1013, 1038, 1043, 1052, 1061, 1070, 1094, 1123. Borrowings that appear only in C and B appear under 790, 862, 988, 1048, 1050, 1051, 1070, 1091, 1095, 1111. On this strand of material and its place in the manuscript tradition, see JWCC, 2:lii–liii, 2:lviii;Brett, , “John of Worcester,” 107–9, 122; Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 68–71.Google Scholar

78 ANG, 16.Google Scholar

79 WMGP, 2.95.1.Google Scholar

80 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 961.Google Scholar

81 E.g., Cronica de Anglia, §§6, 7, 17, 22, 25, 33, 34, 38, 41, 42, 44, 64, 76, 77, 80, 81.Google Scholar

82 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043.Google Scholar

83 WMGP, 2.87: “The blessed Edith, daughter of King Edgar, ornaments the monastery at Wilton, the seat of her bones, with her sweet trappings — she caresses it with her love. Wilton is a not insignificant village, placed on the River Wylye, of such renown that the entire county is named after it.” Cf.Prudentius, , Peristephanon, 3.5, ed. Thompson, H. J., Poems, Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols. (London, 1939–53), 2:98–345, at 142.Google Scholar

84 Cronica de Anglia, §§29, 32, 35, 39, 43, 45, 46, 52, 55, 56, 58, 75, 78, 79.Google Scholar

85 Cronica de Anglia, §39, is so much fuller in its use of Gesta pontificum that it lends itself to this hypothesis: the author could have collated WMGP, 2.94.1–7β with the items taken from JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 909, 972, and JWCC, s.a. 1031, 1046.Google Scholar

86 But the long entry about the primacy (§66) depends, not on WMGP, i.27, but on William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, 3.298.1–6, ed. and trans. Mynors, R. A. B., Thomson, Rodney M., and Winterbottom, Michael, 2 vols., OMT (1998–99), cited hereafter as WMGR, 1:530–32.Google Scholar

87 JWChronicula, fol. 52r–v.Google Scholar

88 C, fol. 1r.Google Scholar

89 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 679.Google Scholar

90 Cf. Cronica de Anglia, §§36, 56, 57, 63, 65, 69, 83, 84, 85, and the notes below.Google Scholar

91 Liebermann, , ANG, 15.Google Scholar

92 Cf.Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, esp. 78–79: “the systematic re-arrangement of borrowings whilst preserving much of their vocabulary is one of the defining traits of John's compositional method.” See also McGurk's comments in the introduction to JWCC, 2:lxxviii, about John's editing and reorganization of the annals in the margins of the Easter Tables that were part of Marianus Scotus's Chronica chronicarum.Google Scholar

93 See Goscelin of St. Bertin, Vita S. Kenelmi, regis et martyris (BHL 4641 n + p + r), §17, ed. Love, R. C., Three Eleventh-Century Anglo-Latin Saints’ Lives, OMT (1996), 50–88, at 72, where Winchcombe is described as the “monastery of the saint's father,” Cenwulf; and the foundation charters preserved in the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 811 and 818 (2:454–63 and 470–73). All of the latter documents were reworked or interpolated with extraneous material, but all seem to rest on authentic traditions of some kind: see the discussion in ibid., 1:251–64 and 270. It should also be noted that the item presently under discussion contaminated the abbey's traditions in the late twelfth or thirteenth century, when it was inserted into the margins of the Winchcombe Chronicle, s.a. 787, §2 (2:450). Evidence for Cronica de Anglia's reception, this echo helps to show that it circulated in the diocese of Worcester: see also ibid., 1:246.Google Scholar

94 E.g., Blair, John, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford, 2005), 122, 288; Foot, Sarah, Veiled Women, Studies in Early Medieval Britain, 2 vols. (Aldershot, 2000), 2:239.Google Scholar

95 Levison, Wilhelm, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946), 31, 257–59; Sims-Williams, Patrick, Religion and Literature in Western England, 600–800, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 3 (Cambridge, 1990), 165–66. For the church of St. Peter, see alsoBassett, Stephen R., “A Probable Mercian Royal Mausoleum at Winchcombe, Gloucestershire,” Antiquaries Journal 65 (1985): 82–100 (esp. fig. 1); for the Sacramentary, the circumstances of its production, and the prominence of St. Peter in its litany (his name is written in majuscules and a threefold invocation), see The Winchcombe Sacramentary (Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 127 [105]), ed. Davril, Anselme, HBS 109 (Woodbridge, 1995), 261; together withLapidge, Michael, “Abbot Germanus, Winchcombe, Ramsey and the Cambridge Psalter,” in Words, Texts and Manuscripts: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Culture Presented to Helmut Gneuss on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Korhammer, Michael(Woodbridge, 1992), 99–129, esp. 103–6.Google Scholar

96 SeeGittos, Helen B., Liturgy, Architecture, and Sacred Places in Anglo-Saxon England, Medieval History and Archaeology (Oxford, 2013), 55102. See alsoBlair, John, “Anglo-Saxon Minsters: A Topographical Review,” in Pastoral Care before the Parish, ed. Blair, John and Sharpe, Richard(Leicester, 1991), 226–66, esp. 246–58; Blair, , Church in Anglo-Saxon Society, 196–204; Cramp, Rosemary, Wearmouth and Jarrow Monastic Sites, 2 vols. (Swindon, 2005), esp. 1:349–50, 354–56.Google Scholar

97 At Worcester, for example, the church of St. Mary built by Bishop Oswald gradually eclipsed the older cathedral church of St. Peter: seeBarrow, Julia S., “The Community at Worcester, 961–c.1100,” in St Oswald of Worcester: Life and Influence, ed. Brooks, Nicholas P. and Cubitt, Catherine, Studies in the Early History of Britain (London, 1996), 84–99, esp. 89–91; Baker, Nigel and Holt, Richard, Urban Growth and the Medieval Church: Gloucester and Worcester (Aldershot, 2004), 134–35. For the identification of St. Peter with the secular clergy, seeCubitt, Catherine, “Images of St Peter: The Clergy and the Religious Life in Anglo-Saxon England,” in The Christian Tradition in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Cavill, Paul, Christianity and Culture: Issues in Teaching and Research (Woodbridge, 2004), 41–54, esp. 45–50.Google Scholar

98 Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano MS Misc. Arm. XI.19, ed. Foerster, Hans, Liber diurnus Romanorum pontificum (Bern, 1958), no. 93.Google Scholar

99 Levison, , England and the Continent, 2931; Sims-Williams, , Religion and Literature, 159–65; Stafford, Pauline, “Political Women in Mercia, Eighth to Early Tenth Centuries,” in Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe, ed. Brown, Michelle P. and Farr, Carol A.(London, 2001), 35–49, at 40.Google Scholar

100 WMGP, 4.156.1–2. The earliest of the surviving versions of the foundation charter is found in the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 811 (pp. 456–63). On the authenticity of the charter, see ibid., 258–64.Google Scholar

101 The largest community attested in the historical record comprises the ninety monachi who were martyred at Chertsey when “heathens” raided the monastery: “Secgan be þam Godes sanctum, þe on Engla lande ærost reston,” §49, ed. Liebermann, Felix, Die Heiligen Englands (Hanover, 1889), 920, at 19–20. On the earliest manuscript, BL Stowe 944, fols. 36v–39r, which was copied in 1031, seeKeynes, Simon D., The Liber Vitae of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey, Winchester (British Library Stowe 944), Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile 26 (Copenhagen, 1996), 37–38.Google Scholar

102 Cf. WMGP, 4.179.1, with JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048, and Cronica de Anglia, §§32, 79.Google Scholar

103 WMGP, 2.94. 1–7β.Google Scholar

104 WMGP, 2.90.2. Cf. Cronica de Anglia, §38; JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1091.Google Scholar

105 WMGP, 4.156.1–2.Google Scholar

106 Compare WMGP, 4.162, where William says that Pershore was founded and built by another generous lord, Ealdorman Æthelweard Dorset, but “like the rest, it succumbed to so miserable a loss that it was diminished by more than half”; and ibid., 5.198.2, where William criticizes the English for their rapacious feasting — a vice that may have caused the extinction of Aldhelm's monasteries at Bradford and Frome; and so on. SeeHayward, Paul Antony, Power, Rhetoric and Historical Practice: From William of Malmesbury to Geoffrey of Monmouth (Oxford, forthcoming), chap. 6.Google Scholar

107 Cf. WMGP, 2.74.11; JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1038. The retention of this detail is further evidence that the monks of Worcester had adopted Bury's version of events.Google Scholar

108 The next two paragraphs summarize positions set out in greater detail inHayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), esp. 64–73. Cf. Brett, , “John of Worcester” (n. 73 above), 101–26.Google Scholar

109 E.g., van Houts, , “Historical Writing” (n. 3 above), 112–13. Cf. Given-Wilson, Chris, Chronicles: The Writing of History in Medieval England (London, 2004), 158–59; Kauffmann, C. M., Romanesque Manuscripts, 1066–1190, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 3 (London, 1975), 87.Google Scholar

110 JWCC, s.a. 1118 (3:142); for its use in JWChronicula, see n. 45 above.Google Scholar

111 Marianus calls it the “chronicle of chronicles” because its topic is the greatest of all topics, namely, the true date of the resurrection of the King of Kings as set out in the Gospels: see Nero C.V, fol. 2v.Google Scholar

112 Gervase of Canterbury, Chronica, ed. and prologue byStubbs, William, The Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury, RS 73, 2 vols. (1879–80), 1:91594, at 88–89. As I have explained elsewhere, Gervase seems to have been attempting to protect his work from conservative critics who were scandalized, not just by these chronological experiments, but by monks wasting time reading and writing history.Google Scholar

113 Vitalis, Orderic, Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Chibnall, Marjorie, OMT, 6 vols. (1968–80), 2:186–88: “… quem [Marianum] prosecutus Iohannes acta fere centum annorum contexuit, iussuque uenerabilis Wlfstani pontificis et monachi supradictis cronicis inseruit, in quibus multa de Romanis et Francis et Alemannis aliisque gentibus quæ agnouit utiliter et compendiose narratione digna reserauit.”Google Scholar

114 Cf. WMGR, 1.pref.1–4.Google Scholar

115 See n. 113 above.Google Scholar

116 JWChronicula, fol. 100v. Cf.Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry, 8283.Google Scholar

117 E.g., JWCC, s.a. 1062, 1070, 1088, and esp. 1095.Google Scholar

118 Cf. JWChronicula, fols. 98v–100r; JWCC, s.a. 1088 (3:52–56).Google Scholar

119 This section is usefully contrasted with genuine topographical surveys, such as Gervase of Canterbury's Mappa mundi, ed. Stubbs, , Historical Works of Gervase of Canterbury, 2:414–49, a tabular listing of monastic houses, castles, and watercourses, arranged according to the counties of England, Wales, and Scotland in which they were located. See alsoKnowles, David, “Gervase of Canterbury and the Mappa Mundi,” Downside Review 48 (1930): 237–47; and for topographical surveys as a common feature of medieval historical writing, seeGiven-Wilson, , Chronicles, 127–36.Google Scholar

120 See the synopsis of the foundation charter in Two Cartularies of the Augustinian Priory of Bruton and the Cluniac Priory of Montacute in the County of Somerset, Somerset Record Society 8 (London, 1894), 119–20, along with David Knowles, Brooke, Christopher N. L., and London, Vera C. M., eds., The Heads of Religious Houses, England and Wales, vol. 1, 940–1216, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2001), 121n1. Montacute was, it should be noted, a largely French institution, whose monks and priors were initially drawn from France rather than the native population: Knowles, David, The Monastic Order in England, 940–1216, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1963), 153.Google Scholar

121 SeeFichtenau, Heinrich, Lebensordnungen des 10. Jahrunderts, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 30.1 (Stuttgart, 1984), 1147; trans. Geary, Patrick J.as Living in the Tenth Century: Mentalites and Social Orders (Chicago, 1993), 3–29.Google Scholar

122 E.g., Aelred of Rievaulx, Vita et miraculis Edwardi regis et confessoris (BHL 2423), ed. Twysden, Roger and Seiden, John, Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores X, 2 vols. (London, 1652), 1:369–414.Google Scholar

123 Cf.Freeman, , Narratives of the New Order (n. 23 above), esp. 91–94.Google Scholar

124 Aelred of Rievaulx, Liber de speculo caritatis, 2.24, ed. Hoste, Anselme and Talbot, Charles H., CCM 1 (1971), 5–161, at 100: “Hinc est quod plerique, qui inani philosophiae dedere animum, quibus etiam moris est cum euangeliis bucolica meditari, horatium cum prophetis, cum paulo tullium lectitare, tunc etiam metro ludere laciniosisque carminibus amatoria texere, uel inuectionibus inuicem prouocare, cum eo sese contulerint, ubi haec omnia quasi seminaria uanitatis, uel initia iurgiorum, uel libidinis incentiua regulari districtione damnantur.”Google Scholar

125 Bell, , Libraries of the Cistercians (n. 15 above), no. Z19, §§83, 119b, 127b. For the Liber Catonis and its development in England, seeHunt, Tony, Teaching and Learning Latin in Thirteenth-Century England, 3 vols. (Woodbridge, 1991), 1:66–69, and the works cited there.Google Scholar

126 Bell, , Libraries of the Cistercians, no. Z19, §§77–78 (Isidore's Etymologies, a commentary on Donatus, and other guides to the Latin language), 154–55 (Priscian's Institutiones grammaticae), 160 (Pseudo-Cicero's Synonyma and a guide to versification), 161 (Rethorica in uno uolumine), 163 (Boethius's translation of Porphyry's Isagoge and other tracts on logic), 181c+f+g (Bede's De arte metrica and other grammatical texts). Cf. Olsen, Birger Munk, “La diffusion et l’étude des historiens antiques au XIIe siècle,” in Mediaeval Antiquity, ed. Welkenhuysen, Andries, Braet, Herman, and Verbeke, Werner, Medievalia Lovaniensia Series 1 / Studia 24 (Leuven, 1995), 21–43, at 27.Google Scholar

127 Bell, , Libraries of the Cistercians, no. Z19, §§43, 54, 55, 104, 112–16, 119a, 136.Google Scholar

128 The late twelfth-century library catalogue from Whitby, a Benedictine community refounded in 1078, seems to represent the norm for this period: it records just three historical MSS among its eighty-six items, namely, the standards Eusebius, Josephus, and Bede: seeSharpe, Richard et al., eds., English Benedictine Libraries, the Shorter Catalogues, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues 4 (London, 1995), no. B109 (§§8, 17, 18). For the general direction of travel, seeWebber, Teresa, “Monastic and Cathedral Book Collection in the Late Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in The Cambridge History of Libraries in Britain and Ireland, ed. Leedham-Green, Elisabeth and Webber, Teresa(Cambridge, 2006), 1:109–25, esp. 111–16; eadem, Scribes and Scholars at Salisbury Cathedral, c.1075–c.1125 (Oxford, 1992), 31–43.Google Scholar

129 E.g., Holdsworth, Christopher J., “John of Ford and English Cistercian Writing, 1167–1214,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 11 (1961): 117–36, esp. 131–32. See, likewise, idem, “Visions and Visionaries in the Middle Ages,” History 48 (1963): 141–53; idem, “Eleven Visions Connected with the Cistercian Monastery of Stratford Langthorne,” Cîteaux 13 (1962): 185–204 (repr. with revisions in Richard Sharpe and Robert Easting, Peter of Cornwall's Book of Revelations, Studies and Texts 184 [Toronto, 2013], 216–25); Birkett, Helen, “Visions of the Other World from the Cistercian Monastery of Melrose,” Mediaeval Studies 74 (2012): 101–41; Constable, Giles, “The Vision of Gunthelm and Other Visiones Attributed to Peter the Venerable,” Revue Bénédictine 66 (1956): 92–114; McGuire, Brian Patrick, “A Lost Clairvaux Exemplum Collection Found: The Liber Visionum et Miraculorum Compiled under Prior John of Clairvaux (1171–79),” Analecta Cisterciensia 39 (1983): 26–62.Google Scholar

130 Hayward, , Power, Rhetoric and Historical Practice (n. 106 above), esp. chap. 2.Google Scholar

131 Cronica de Anglia, §§29 and 77, where it is described as Maldulphi urbs, “Maíldub's town,” and as a cenobia monachorum. On the practice of naming minster-towns after their founders, a sign that Malmesbury was once an Irish monastic settlement, seeBlair, , Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (n. 94 above), 190 and 217n145; Sims-Williams, , Religion and Literature (n. 95 above), 106–8.Google Scholar

132 William alluded to the monastery's situation in WMGP, 2.79.3–6; cf. also WMGR, 2.108.2–3, 135.6. But oral reports of Roger's actions would also have reached Worcester.Google Scholar

133 Vita S. Wulfstani (BHL 8756), ed. and trans. Winterbottom, Michael and Thomson, Rodney M., William of Malmesbury: Saints’ Lives, OMT (2002), 8155.Google Scholar

134 Cf. WMGP, 1.71. 1β, where William treats Archbishop Ralph's refusal to allow Roger to preside over Henry I's marriage to Adeliza of Louvain as a courageous act of resistance to “a man of the utmost power.” See alsoKealey, Edward J., Roger of Salisbury, Viceroy of England (Berkeley, CA, 1972), 2681; Green, Judith A., The Government of England under Henry I, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, 4th ser., 3 (Cambridge, 1986), 38–50.Google Scholar

135 JWCC (C, p. 217), s.a. 162.Google Scholar

136 Either JWCC, s.a. 450, or JWChronicula, fol. 46r.Google Scholar

137 JWCC, s.a. 596. JWChronicula, fol. 49r, also dates Augustine's departure by reference to the adventus Anglorum, but not by reference to the AD date.Google Scholar

138 A chronological observation typical of John of Worcester, but none of the established works provides an exact parallel: cf. JWChronicula, fol. 43r.Google Scholar

139 JWCC, s.a. 596, 597, along with information about Æthelberht's place in sequence of Kentish rulers taken from JWKings (C, p. 48). Cf.Bede, , HE, 1.33 (p. 114).Google Scholar

140 The phrase primas et patriarcha appears to derive from WMGP, 1.prol.2: “Ibi prima sedes archiepiscopi habetur, qui et totius Angliae primas et patriarcha.” Cf.Goscelin, , Historia minor sancti Augustini (BHL 778), ed. PL 105, cols. 743–63, at 752.Google Scholar

141 Bede, , HE, 1.33 (p. 114). Cf. JWKings (C, p. 48); JWChronicula, fol. 65r.Google Scholar

142 JWCC, s.a. 604.Google Scholar

143 WMGP, 1.72.4, afterBede, , HE, 2.3 (p. 142).Google Scholar

144 The source was almost certainly Sulcard of Westminster, Prologus de Construccione Westmonasterii, §2, ed. Schulz, Bernhard W., Traditio 20 (1964): 8091, at 82 and 85. Osbert of Clare, Vita S. Edwardi confessoris (BHL 2422), §10, ed. Bloch, Marc, “La vie de S. Édouard le Confesseur par Osbert de Clare,” Analecta Bollandiana 41 (1923): 64–129, at 83–86, provides an identical etymology for the placename “Thorney” (also using Sulcard's words), but Osbert transforms Sulcard's affluent citizen of the city (quidam ciuium urbisprediues) into Sæberht, king of the East Saxons (d. 616/7), a nephew of Æthelberht, king of Kent (d. 616).Google Scholar

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145 JWCC, s.a. 626.Google Scholar

146 JWCC, s.a. 628.Google Scholar

147 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 629. Cf. WMGP, 1.72.2–3.Google Scholar

148 JWCC, s.a. 633.Google Scholar

149 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 633. Cf. WMGP, 1.72.4–5.Google Scholar

150 JWBishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar

151 Comments about the durations of dominions are typical of JW's work, but there is no information to this effect in the prelims or the main body of JWCC, and the calculations do not match the data provided there. JWCC places the elevation of Ecgberht, brother of King Æthelbert, to archiepiscopal status (archiepiscopatus insigni sullimatur) under the year 744, a decade after the death of Wilfrid II. But the absence of an archiepiscopus at York is also noted among the marginal additions: JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 653, following WMGP, 1.72.6.Google Scholar

152 JWBishops (C, p. 41), rather than JWCC, s.a. 635, though in both Birinus converts King Cynegils, not Kenwalh.Google Scholar

b Gens] ens VGoogle Scholar

153 JWBishops (C, p. 45). Cf.Bede, , HE, 3.3 (pp. 218–20); JWCC, s.a. 635.Google Scholar

154 JWCC, s.a. 995.Google Scholar

155 Bede, , HE, 3.1 (p. 212).Google Scholar

156 See p. 166above.Google Scholar

157 JWCC, s.a. 636, except that JW has seventeen years instead of sixteen.Google Scholar

158 JWCC, s.a. 642, 646; but with some echoes of JWChronicula, fol. 50v. Cf. JWBishops (C, p. 41); JWKings (C, p. 53).Google Scholar

159 JWCC, s.a. 655.Google Scholar

160 JWCC, s.a. 660.Google Scholar

c cessati] sic VGoogle Scholar

161 JWCC, s.a. 664 and 667, but with much reorganization; cf. JWBishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar

162 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 1043. The Abingdon copy (L) has a similar interpolation, but one that attributes the foundation to King Cædwalla and appears under the year 688; cf. also WMGP, 2.88.1.Google Scholar

163 JWCC, s.a. 673.Google Scholar

164 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1111. Cf. WMGP, 4.183.1–5.Google Scholar

165 JWCC, s.a. 675. WMGP, 2.73.10–13, is almost identical owing to their shared dependence onBede, , HE, 4.6 (p. 354), but its words are slightly more remote and it could not have supplied the date.Google Scholar

d Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

166 JWCC, s.a. 677.Google Scholar

167 JWCC, s.a. 681. Trumwine is identified as the first bishop of Candida Casa — a see located in the land of the Picts — in JW's table of northern bishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar

168 JWCC, s.a. 677.Google Scholar

169 JWCC, s.a. 678.Google Scholar

170 JWBishops (C, p. 39), but the etymology of the name appears to derive directly fromBede, , HE, 4.13 (p. 374). Cf. WMGP, 2.96.1–4.Google Scholar

171 JWCC, s.a. 675, makes Sexwulf the constructor et abbas monasterii quod dicitur Burh in regione Giruiorum, but the compiler's use of the name Medeshamstede instead of Peterborough suggests knowledge of JW's source, Bede, , HE, 4.6 (p. 354).Google Scholar

e Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

f Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

g Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

172 This item preserves strong echoes of both JWChronicula, fol. 52r–v, and the summary history of Worcester cathedral and its endowment, which appears among the prelims to Chronica chronicarum in C, fol. 1r–p. 3, though both arrange the material in a different order. The parallels to JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 679, are relatively remote. See p. 182 above.Google Scholar

173 This entry reads like a speculative attempt, based on the occurrence of Putta's name in the episcopal tables for both Rochester and Hereford (C, pp. 39 and 43), to connect the foundation of the latter see with Putta's flight to Mercia — an event reported inBede, , HE, 4.12 (p. 368), and elaborated in WMGP, 1.72.7–8. The verbal parallels point to dependence on the reworking of Bede's account in JWCC, s.a. 676. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 678, which abbreviates WMGP, 4.163.1.Google Scholar

174 This item seems to be unique to this source. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 679.Google Scholar

175 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 666. Cf. WMGP, 4.172.1, 176, 177.1.Google Scholar

176 The origins of §§23–24 are relatively obscure, but they probably rest on a Gloucester source. The material about these abbeys in WMGP, 4.155 and 162, is quite different. Strong parallels occur, however, in the Gloucester foundation narrative, which is preserved chiefly in the cartulary-chronicles that were compiled for Walter Frocester, abbot of Gloucester (1382–1412). AsFinberg, H. P. R., The Early Charters of the West Midlands, Studies in Early English History 2, 2nd ed. (Leicester, 1972), 153–66, showed, this narrative incorporates the remains of an alleged charter of King Æthelred of Mercia (675–704) that recounts how he and his ministers Osric and Oswald founded two churches at Gloucester and Pershore, granting 300 “tributaries” to the former and 300 cassati to the latter. Printed texts appear in ibid., 158, and Historia et cartularium monasterii sancti Petri Gloucestriae, ed. Hart, William H., RS 33, 3 vols. (1884–93), 1:lxxi–lxxii. Fragments of this narrative appear in earlier documents: a late twelfth-century scribe inserted, for example, extracts from an earlier version into the margins of the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 680, §2 (2:436), where unfortunately they were much damaged in the Cottonian Fire; minor echoes also appear in the late fourteenth-century Pershore chronicle by Dominus Garterius, whose contents were partly recorded byLeland, John, De rebus britannicis collectanea, ed. Hearne, Thomas, 6 vols., 2nd ed. (London, 1770), 1:240. It seems likely that this narrative and the alleged charters that it contains existed by the early twelfth century — at the very latest. On the authenticity of the Æthelred charter, see alsoScharer, Anton, Die angelsächsische Königsurkunde im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 26 (Vienna, 1982), 146–48. None of the known witnesses preserves, however, any information about the identity of the saint to whom Pershore was dedicated. For this detail a parallel of sorts exists in the material about Gloucester and Pershore that John added to the margins of his autograph (JWCC [C3B], s.a. 1095 [3:78, 80]). These items say nothing about how much land was given to Gloucester and Pershore, but they identify the same persons as founders, and the item about Pershore includes a statement to the effect that Oswald built the church at Pershore in honore sancti Petri, but that it is now dedicated in nomine Dei genitricis Marie. One possibility is that the author was combining material from the charter of King Æthelred andGoogle Scholar

h episcopatum] -tum is written over an erasure VGoogle Scholar

i ambo rebus] ambobus VGoogle Scholar

Chronica chronicarum and that the information about the dedication of Pershore was corrupted — either by the author himself or at some stage in the transmission of Cronica de Anglia. Another and more likely possibility is that the author was relying on John's working notes and that they differed somewhat from the material now preserved in the margins of JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095 — that they contained, for example, more data about how much land was given to Pershore and Gloucester than John chose, in the end, to include in Chronica chronicarum.Google Scholar

177 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 685. Cf. WMGP, 2.74.4–5.Google Scholar

178 JWCC, s.a. 685, 686.Google Scholar

179 JWCC, s.a. 691.Google Scholar

180 JWCC, s.a. 692. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 53v; JWBishops (C, p. 43).Google Scholar

181 JWCC, s.a. 705. The duration of Aldhelm's abbacy could have been inferred from an annal in JWCC, s.a. 666, that records his ordination as abbot of Malmesbury.Google Scholar

182 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 705. Cf. WMGP, 3.110.2; 4.172.2.Google Scholar

183 WMGP, 3.109.6.Google Scholar

184 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 705. Cf. WMGP, 4.172.2.Google Scholar

185 The rubric shows that the compiler knew that the ultimate source of this item wasBede, , HE, 5.23 (pp. 558–60), but the textual affinities imply a closer relationship with JWCC, s.a. 731.Google Scholar

186 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 734. Cf. WMGP, 4.172.2.Google Scholar

187 JWCC, s.a. 1092, together with information about the history of the see from JWBishops (C, p. 43). This table has just one name under Dorchester (Aetla), and Remigius appears as the seventeenth bishop of Lindsey.Google Scholar

188 JWCC, s.a. 734, and JWBishops (C, p. 39).Google Scholar

189 JWBishops (C, p. 39).Google Scholar

190 The author's statements and words agree with the data found in JWBishops (C, p. 39), which makes Stigand the twentieth holder of the see of the South Saxons and the first to reside at Chichester. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 1070; WMGP, 2.96.4.Google Scholar

191 See pp. 183–85 and esp. n. 93 above.Google Scholar

192 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048, which has Hertfordensi instead of Bedefordensi, but Hertfor- is written over an erasure. Cf. WMGP, 4.179.1, who has in lumen, “to the light,” for in limine, “in limestone.”Google Scholar

193 WMGP, 3.156. This item also appears in the margins of the Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 798 (2:452), where it was added s.xii/xiii. This parallel is best interpreted, therefore, as evidence for the reception of the Cronica de Anglia in the diocese of Worcester, where it seems to have originated: see also Hayward, , Winchcombe and Coventry (n. 26 above), 1:246, 249.Google Scholar

194 JWBishops (C, p. 45), has seven bishops of Hexham after Acca. The reference to Bede echoes WMGP, 3.117.3, but WM has six bishops after Acca, omitting Alhmundus.Google Scholar

j ora] h has been erased before ora VGoogle Scholar

195 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 828. Cf. WMGP, 3.117.5.Google Scholar

196 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 828. JW was here working from WMGP, 3.118.1, 3, but he has added Eadredus (Heathored) to WM's list of bishops, in keeping with JWBishops (C, p. 45).Google Scholar

197 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 880. Cf. WMGP, 2.86.1.Google Scholar

198 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1070. Cf. WMGP, 2.78.1.Google Scholar

199 JWCC, s.a. 887.Google Scholar

200 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1070 (italics). Cf. JWCC, s.a. 905, where the construction of the Nunnaminster is attributed, using very similar language, to Alfred's queen, Ealhswith.Google Scholar

201 WMGP, 2.92.1–2; JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 882.Google Scholar

202 Almost identical echoes occur in both JWChronicula, fol. 64r, and among the explanatory matter in JWBishops (C, p. 41), but the present text is slightly closer to the former version. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 909.Google Scholar

203 Verbal echoes clearly imply that this entry is related to John of Worcester's table of West-Saxon prelates, JWBishops (C, p. 41), but for the purpose of calculating the duration of the see, prior to its relocation at Old Sarum, the compiler assumes — rather oddly given the relative clarity of JW's table — that Æthelstan became bishop of Ramsbury at the same time as Aldhelm became bishop of Sherborne, while the former see was in fact founded in the reign of Edward the Elder (899–924). The correct span for the presence of an episcopal seat at Ramsbury would be around 167 years.Google Scholar

204 JWBishops (C, p. 41) makes Aldhelm the first bishop of Sherborne and lists twenty-four men as holders of that office; for the dates, cf. JWCC, s.a. 709 and (C3BP), s.a. 1070.Google Scholar

k xiiiius] A space or erasure of about four letters precedes this numeral V.Google Scholar

205 This chronological excursus could have been developed by using the date specified in §36 above and JW's table of West Saxon prelates (C, p. 41). The table lists fourteen bishops of Wells from Æthelhelm to [G]isa, before listing John and [G]odefridus as the fifteenth and sixteenth. Cf. WMGP, ii.90.1.Google Scholar

206 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1091, following WMGP, 2.90.2. In their existing form JW's table of West-Saxon bishops (C, p. 41) lists John as the fifteenth bishop of Wells, but the list shows signs of revision.Google Scholar

207 This etymology seems to have been inferred from the name itself — a form that the author may have discovered by reading the account of Edgar's coronation at Bath found under the year 973 in several versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, such as the C-Text (ed. O'Brien O'Keeffe, K., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 5, MS C [Cambridge, 1983], 82). Cf. Plummer, C. and Earle, J., eds., Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1892–99), 2:161.Google Scholar

208 WMGP, 2.94.1–7β; but there is much evidence that additional detail was drawn from the various parts of John's corpus. The dates toward the beginning of the chapter echo, slightly inaccurately, those in JWCC, s.a. 909 (C3BP), and 1031; the numbering echoes the data in JWBishops (C, p. 41); and the detail that Leofric was a Briton occurs in JWCC, s.a. 1046.Google Scholar

209 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 972, following WMGP, 2.94.1. JW rightly has .xii. milibus.Google Scholar

210 WMGP, 2.95.7.Google Scholar

211 WMGP, 4.155. Note how “in the time of King Alfred” becomes “as her father King Alfred had ordered her.” Cf. JWCC, s.a. 910; JWChronicula, fol. 63v; JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1050.Google Scholar

212 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 920. Cf. WMGP, 1.14.Google Scholar

213 JWCC, s.a. 932. Cf. WMGP, 2.75.24. A near-contemporary hand enters a nota symbol in the margin beside this item, providing one of the few signs that the text was the subject of study.Google Scholar

214 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 934. Cf. WMGP, 1.14.4–15.1.Google Scholar

215 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 934. The compiler has rightly corrected JW's Wellensium, inserting Wiltuniensem in its place. Cf. WMGP, 2.83.1.Google Scholar

216 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 937. Cf. WMGP, 2.85, 93.Google Scholar

217 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 880. Cf. WMGP, 2.86.1.Google Scholar

218 Derived, it seems, from a combination of WMGP, 2.74.4–5 and JWBishops (C, p. 39): “xii. Athulfus. Hic regis Edwii tempore eastanglię presulatum solus rexit eodemque modo illius successores.” It is WMGP, 2.74.11, who dates the transfer of Elmham to Thetford to the sixth year of the reign of William I. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 685, who gives the king under whom Athulf took office as Eadwig.Google Scholar

219 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1038. Cf. WMGP, 2.74.11.Google Scholar

220 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1094. Cf. WMGP, 2.74.14–15.Google Scholar

221 JWCC, s.a. 959.Google Scholar

222 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 959. Cf. WMGP, 4.176; JWBishops (C, p. 43).Google Scholar

223 JWBishops (C, p. 43).Google Scholar

224 JWCC, s.a. 960.Google Scholar

225 JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 961, following WMGP, 2.95.Google Scholar

226 JWCC, s.a. 963, 964.Google Scholar

227 JWCC, s.a. 967, 968.Google Scholar

228 JWCC, s.a. 969. Wulstano ought, of course, to read Oswaldo.Google Scholar

229 Everything here, including the idea that Oswald set about “correcting” the seculars without success, occurs at greater length in Eadmer of Canterbury, Vita S. Oswaldi archiepiscopi et confessoris (BHL 6375), §24, ed. and trans. Turner, Andrew J. and Muir, Bernard J., Lives and Miracles of Saints Oda, Dunstan and Oswald, OMT (2005), 216–89, at 256–60. Though the preface is hardly explicit, Eadmer appears to have written his Vita Oswaldi at the request of Worcester (ibid., cvi–cvii), and there is every reason to think that the monks will have had a copy in their library. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 969, 992; WMGP, 3.115.4–5.Google Scholar

230 JWCC, s.a. 969.Google Scholar

231 JWChronicula, fol. 76r; JWCC, s.a. 991. Cf. WMGP, 4.181.1.Google Scholar

232 The source is almost certainly Eadmer of Canterbury, Vita S. Oswaldi archiepiscopi et confessoris (BHL 6375), §§17–18, ed. Turner, and Muir, , Lives and Miracles of Saints Oda, Dunstan and Oswald, 216–89, at 250–53. Having discussed the foundation of Ramsey with particular reference to the support provided by Ealdorman Æthelwine of East Anglia, Eadmer goes on to describe with an ablative absolute howEadnoth, , uir prudens et religiosus, was placed over it (praepositus). Then, in §18, Eadmer adds a brief mention of a miracle involving “a certain Foldbriht [whom Oswald] placed in the abbacy of the church of Pershore, which was one of the seven abbeys” that Oswald established in his diocese after expelling the clerks and their women. Cf. also the source of the latter story: Byrhtferth of Ramsey, Vita et uirtute gloriosissimi archipresulis Oswaldi (BHL 6374), 4.8, ed. and trans. Lapidge, Michael, The Lives of St Oswald and St Ecgwine, OMT (2009), 2–203, at 112–17.Google Scholar

233 This sentence contains verbal echoes of WMGP, 4.156.3, but it seems likely that both the author and William were drawing on Eadmer's Vita S. Oswaldi, from which one can see how the author might have proceeded from Foldbriht to Germanus. In §18, the chapter in which he refers to Foldbriht, Eadmer mentions Oswald's ordination of Germanus as abbot of Winchcombe; in §10, he recounts how Oswald broughtGoogle Scholar

l .dcccc.lxxx.viii.] sic V (adduxerat) him to Fleury; and in §16, how he put him in charge of the monks at Westbury.Google Scholar

234 WMGP, 4.183.6–184.1, 185.1. Cf. JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1111.Google Scholar

235 JWCC, s.a. 972.Google Scholar

236 JWCC, s.a. 973. JWChronicula, fols. 74v–75r, has many verbal affinities, but is not as close as JWCC.Google Scholar

237 WMGP, 2.87. Cf. JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043.Google Scholar

238 JWChronicula, fol. 75r. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 978, 979.Google Scholar

239 WMGP, 2.87.1. Cf. JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043.Google Scholar

240 The date matches JWCC, s.a. 987, but the rest closely resembles JWChronicula, fol. 75v, the only place where JW connects this disaster with the murder of Edward the Martyr: “In cuius necis ultionem duę retro seculis Anglorum genti incognite pestes, scilicet … inedicibiliter deseuierunt.”Google Scholar

241 There is agreement here with the earlier versions of WMGP (i.e., the β-text), most notably in the form in which it occurs in BL MS Harley 3641 — a late twelfth-century copy from Byland Abbey in Yorkshire. In §20.1 it reads qui clericis a Cantuaria perturbatis monachos induxit. The other witnesses to the β-text have proturbatis instead of perturbatis. Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 995; JWBishops (C, p. 41).Google Scholar

242 JWCC, s.a. 995. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 76r–v.Google Scholar

m Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

243 JWChronicula, fols. 75v–76r.Google Scholar

244 JWCC, s.a. 984.Google Scholar

245 JWCC, s.a. 1011, with material from 984.Google Scholar

246 JWCC, s.a. 1012. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 77r.Google Scholar

247 JWChronicula, fols. 77v–78r: “Post mortem cuius quique nobiliores Anglię sibi in dominum et regem Canutum elegere, et fidelitatem ille illis illique iurauere. Verum ciues Lundonienses clitonem Eadmundum in regem leuauere. Hinc inter ambos reges atrocissima pugna quinquies bellatum est.” Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1016, esp. 2:484.Google Scholar

248 Acta of William I, no. 39 (p. 206). For further explanation, see pp. 174–76 above.Google Scholar

249 JWChronicula, fol. 94r–v. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1062.Google Scholar

250 JWChronicula, fol. 95r–v. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1065 and 1066.Google Scholar

251 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1123. Cf. WMGP, 2.97.Google Scholar

252 JWChronicula, fol. 96r–v. Cf. JWCC, s.a. 1070.Google Scholar

253 The present version of this document is significantly closer to that found in WMGR, 3.298.1–6, than that in WMGP, 1.27.Google Scholar

n Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

o Anglia] Corrected from Anglię VGoogle Scholar

254 WMGP, 1.42.7β–42.9. Cf. WMGR, 3.300.3–301.Google Scholar

p Interlined by a later hand.Google Scholar

255 This account of the Domesday Survey is almost identical to that found in JWChronicula, fol. 98r, the main difference being that the latter abbreviates and mangles the clause referring to William's interest in how things had changed between 1066 and 1086 and the beginning of the next sentence: “and how much they had returned then and how much in the time of King Edward, and thus it was strictly carried out. This so that …” (“et quantum tunc reddidissent et quantum tempore regis Eadwardi et ita stricte peractum est. Hoc ut …”). Evidently, the present version is closer to the original draft. This narrative was based, furthermore, on an account similar to that found in the E text of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1085a, ed. Irvine, Susan E., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 7, MS E (Cambridge, 2004), 94. The present version adds two significant details: it notes, first, William I's interest in how much revenue King Edward had been able to collect and, second, the collation of the results in a single volume, which was to be kept in the royal treasury. The account in JWCC, s.a. 1086 (3:44), derives from a different source: seeStevenson, W. H., “A Contemporary Description of the Domesday Survey,” English Historical Review 22 (1907): 73–84, esp. 76–78.Google Scholar

256 JWCC, s.a. 1087 (3:46).Google Scholar

257 This version is closest to JWChronicula, fols. 98v–100r. The version in JWCC, s.a. 1088 (3:54, 56), differs greatly in length, arrangement, and detail, but the present version shares some variants.Google Scholar

258 JWCC, s.a. 1100 (3:92, 94). JWChronicula, fols. 105v–106r, is similar, but not as close.Google Scholar

259 Either JWCC, s.a. 1113, or JWChronicula, fol. 109v.Google Scholar

260 JWCC, s.a. 1109 (3:118).Google Scholar

261 JWCC, s.a. 1111. Cf. JWChronicula, fol. 109v, which is fuller, but slightly different.Google Scholar

262 Either JWCC, s.a. 1118, or JWChronicula, fol. 111v.Google Scholar

263 Either JWCC, s.a. 1120 (3:146, 148), or JWChronicula, fols. 112v–113r.Google Scholar

264 JWCC, s.a. 1121 (3:150); JWChronicula, fol. 113r.Google Scholar

265 JWCC, s.a. 1123, 1125 (3:154, 158).Google Scholar

266 Possibly influenced by WMGP, 2.90.3.Google Scholar

267 This account of the relics claimed by Glastonbury Abbey may well have been inspired by similar material in the works of William of Malmesbury, since he mentions almost all of these saints: see WMGP, 2.91.6–9; WMGR, 1.20.2, 21.1, 23, 24, 35C.3, 50.5; idem, De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie, esp. §§20–22, ed. and trans. Scott, John, The Early History of Glastonbury: An Edition, Translation and Study (Woodbridge, 1981), 6870. There are, however, two important differences of detail. The present item says that Indracht had nine colleagues, but William's accounts of that saint clearly state that he went he went to Rome with “seven high-born companions”: WMGP, 2.91.7; idem, Vita S. Indrachti, ed. and trans. Winterbottom, and Thomson, , Saints’ Lives (n. 133 above), 368–81, at 370. The author appears, therefore, to have known the Passio S. Indracti et sociorum eius (BHL 4271), §1, ed. Lapidge, Michael, “The Cult of St Indract at Glastonbury,” in Ireland in Medieval Europe: Studies in Honour of Kathleen Hughes, ed. Whitelock, Dorothy, McKitterick, Rosamund, and Dumville, David N.(Cambridge, 1982), 199–204, at 199, an eleventh-century life that provides Indracht with nine colleagues. The other difference lies in the addition of the virgin called Elfgiua, “Ælfgifu.” She is perhaps to be equated with the Glastonbury saint whom William of Malmesbury (or an interpolator?) names in De antiquitate Glastonie, §22, as Ealfleda, a “virgin whose flesh and bones are still whole … and whose hair shirt and holy robe have not rotted.” Cf. JWCC (C3BP), s.a. 688;Howley, Martin, “Relics at Glastonbury Abbey in the Thirteenth Century: The Relic List in Cambridge, Trinity College R.5.33 (724), fols. 104r–105v,” Mediaeval Studies 72 (2009): 197–234.Google Scholar

268 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 937, but the addition of Æthelney suggests an awareness of the source, WMGP, 2.90.6, because JWCC does not mention that house at this point.Google Scholar

269 See p. 190 and n. 120 above.Google Scholar

q Celsi] causi VGoogle Scholar

270 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043. Cf. WMGP, 2.84.1–4. On the sources of this legend, seeLicence, Tom, “Goscelin of St Bertin and the Life of St Eadwold of Cerne,” Journal of Medieval Latin 16 (2006): 182207.Google Scholar

271 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 1043. Cf. WMGP, 2.87.1, 88.1, 89.1–2.Google Scholar

272 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048. Cf. WMGP, 4.178.Google Scholar

273 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048, which has Hertfordensi instead of Bedefordensi, but Hertfor- is written over an erasure. Cf. WMGP, 4.179.1.Google Scholar

274 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1048. Cf. WMGP, 4.180.1.Google Scholar

275 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1050. Cf. WMGP, 4.180.3.Google Scholar

276 WMGP, 4.181.1, adds orientalium.Google Scholar

277 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1050; WMGP, 4.181.1–6, 182.1–4, 6. The language is occasionally closer to WM, but the material occurs in the same order as in JW.Google Scholar

278 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.159–160.1.Google Scholar

279 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.158.Google Scholar

280 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.155, 156.Google Scholar

281 JWCC (C3B), s.a. 1095. Cf. WMGP, 4.157.Google Scholar

282 JWCC (C3BP3), s.a. 885. Cf. WMGP, 4.171.Google Scholar

283 Possibly WMGP, 4.172.5.Google Scholar

r Estanglorum] EstaaglorumGoogle Scholar

s prosapia] Followed by a space of about four letters VGoogle Scholar

t Limen] Corrected from Limenstre VGoogle Scholar

284 This section echoes the diagrammatic genealogy of Woden in JWKings (C, p. 47). The language is quite different from that of textual genealogy that appears in G2, fol. 1v — an item that might have been available to the compiler if he were using G after it was augmented at Gloucester.Google Scholar

285 In JWKings (C, p. 47), the words Saxonice Sceaf are interlined above Seth.Google Scholar

286 A later gloss pater [?] Hengisti et Horsi appears in the upper margin above this item.Google Scholar

287 This section is closer to JWChronicula, fols. 64v–66r, except in its final sentence, a note about the duration of the kingdom of Kent, which is closer to JW Kings (C, p. 48). The notes that follow draw attention only to the more significant variants between these versions of the accounts.Google Scholar

288 JWChronicula, fol. 65v; JWKings (C, p. 48): DeoGoogle Scholar

289 JWChronicula, fols. 65v–66r: congregauerat. Anno regni sui. xii. inter medendum mense Februario defunctus est. Cui successit in regnum Edricus filius fratris sui Ecgberti, ac …; JWKings (C, p. 48): aggregauerat, anno regniEcgberti, ac …Google Scholar

290 JWChronicula, fol. 66r: .xxxiiii.; JWKings (C, p. 48): tricesimo quartoGoogle Scholar

291 JWChronicula, fol. 66r: .xxxvi.; JWKings (C, p. 48): tricesimo sextoGoogle Scholar

292 This section closely echoes the summary history of the East Anglian royal house in JWChronicula, fols. 66r–67r. Cf. JWKings (C p. 49).Google Scholar

293 JWChronicula, fol. 66r: illisGoogle Scholar

294 JWChronicula, fol. 66v, and JWKings (C, p. 49), add estGoogle Scholar

295 JWChronicula, fol. 66v; JWKings (C, p. 49): prius Northhymbrorum regina, et post Eliensus extitit abbatissaGoogle Scholar

296 JWChronicula, fol. 66v; JWKings (C, p. 49): erat feminaGoogle Scholar

297 JWChronicula, fol. 67r; JWKings (C, p. 49):. lxi.Google Scholar

298 JWChronicula, fol. 67r, adds potentesGoogle Scholar

299 JWChronicula, fol. 67r: penisGoogle Scholar

300 JWChronicula, fol. 67r, adds regnareGoogle Scholar

301 This section closely echoes the summary history of the East Saxon royal house in JWChronicula, fols. 67r–68r. Cf. JWKings (C, p. 49).Google Scholar

302 Another leonine hexameter with bisyllabic rhyme, shared with JWChronicula, fol. 67r–v.Google Scholar

303 JWChronicula, fol. 67v; JWKings (C, p. 49): eiusdemGoogle Scholar

304 JWChronicula, fol. 67v: et breui post temporeGoogle Scholar

305 Another line of rhyming verse, almost identical to that at the corresponding point in JWChronicula, fol. 67v, except that the latter has Christum instead of regem regum.Google Scholar

306 JWChronicula, fol. 67v. Cf. JWKings (C, p. 49): et uenustatis, totęqueGoogle Scholar

307 JWChronicula, fol. 68r: .iiio.Google Scholar

308 In JWChronicula, fols. 67r–68r, this verse is rendered as Glorificam celis meruit conscendere felix.Google Scholar

u regnauere … Westsaxonum] Owing to severe abrasion there is gap here of some fifteen letters. It cannot, unfortunately, be filled using JWKings or JWChronicula as both are substantially fuller at this point. JWChronicula, fol. 68r, for example, has … regnauere proprii. Nam eodem anno quo regnum defecit Cantwariorum cum ipsis et cum Suthsaxonibus strenuo regi Westsaxonum Ecgberto sponte se dedebant.Google Scholar

v Westanhecanorum] Westanbecanorum VGoogle Scholar

309 This section closely echoes the summary history of the Mercian royal house in JWChronicula, fols. 67r–69v. Cf. JW Kings (C, p. 50).Google Scholar

310 JWChronicula, fol. 68v, and JWKings (C, p. 50), add regumGoogle Scholar

311 JWChronicula, fol. 68v, and JWKings (C, p. 50), have MercelmusGoogle Scholar

312 JWChronicula, fol. 68v: ac ÆlfredusGoogle Scholar

313 Another leonine, almost identical to that at the corresponding point in JWChronicula, fol. 69r: Vita decedit celsa polique petit, whereas JWKings (C, p. 50), has uitam finuit. It should be noted that Cenred's death in Rome is in keeping withBede, , HE, 5.19 (p. 516), but at odds with the narrative set out in the Lives of St. Ecgwine, which imply that he returned to England after his visit to the city: e.g., Byrhtferth of Ramsey, Vita S. Ecgwini Wigorniensis episcopi (BHL 2432), 3.3–5, ed. and trans. Lapidge, , Lives of Oswald and Ecgwine (n. 232 above), 206–303, at 256–62.Google Scholar

314 JWChronicula, fol. 69r; JWKings (C, p. 50), add Qui anno regni sui. ix. defunctus est, cui Æthelbaldus filius Alwig filii scilicet Eoue fratris Pendę regis successit.Google Scholar

315 JWChronicula, fol. 69r: regaliter est tumulatumGoogle Scholar

316 Another leonine echoed in JWChronicula, fol. 69r. Cf. JWKings (C, p. 50): sanctumque Kenelmum genuitGoogle Scholar

317 JWChronicula, fol. 69r, adds sepultusGoogle Scholar

318 Cf. JWKings (C, p. 50): occiditur.Google Scholar

w expu-] At least one, probably two, folios are missing at this point. They are likely to have contained material from JWKings — namely, the conclusion of his account of the Mercian kings, his accounts of the Northumbrian kings (since it follows at this point in C, p. 5), and the first half of his account of the West-Saxon kings (since it is the source of what follows when the MS resumes).Google Scholar

319 JWChronicula, fol. 69r, and JWKings (C, p. 50): regnum suscipiturGoogle Scholar

320 JWChronicula, fol. 69v, and JWKings (C, p. 50), add KynethrythaGoogle Scholar

321 Rightly Wistanum, as in JWChronicula, fol. 69v, and JWKings (C, p. 50).Google Scholar

322 JWChronicula, fol. 69v; JWKings (C, p. 50): Hreopedune sepultus requieuit, cui Beorhtwlfus successit.Google Scholar

323 JWChronicula, fol. 69v; JWKings (C, p. 50): tumulatum est. VerumGoogle Scholar

324 A couplet in which the second line is clearly leonine in form. This passage, together with other aspects of John's treatment of Wigstan, was inspired by a version of the Vita S. Wistani martyris (BHL 8975), ed. Macray, William D., Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham ad Annum 1418, RS 29 (1863), 325–32, at 331: “Nam de loco in quo innocenter occisus est, columna lucis usque ad cœlum porrecta, omnibus incolis loci illius apparens, per triginta dies stabat perspicua.” Cf. JWKings (C, p. 50): columna lucis usque ad celum porrecta omnibus eiusdem loci incolis per. xxx. dies conspicua stabat.Google Scholar

325 JWChronicula, fol. 69v, adds anno regni suiGoogle Scholar

326 The closest match for this section, insofar as it is known from the manuscript, occurs in JWKings (C, pp. 53–54). The West-Saxon royal account in JWChronicula, fols. 72r–73r, merges seamlessly back into the “mainstream” of its narrative when it reaches the earlier tenth century, a little beyond the point where V resumes after the lacuna between fols. 20 and 21.Google Scholar

327 JWKings (C, p. 53), adds filiumGoogle Scholar

328 The author is possibly summarizing JWKings (C, p. 53): “et super omnes prouincias Anglię usque ad flumen Hymbrę regnauit, ac prius reges Walanorum, dein Scottorum, Northymbrorym, Stretuuadalorum reges in deditionem accept. Quo mortuo, filius suus Æthelstanus ex ….” But compare also JWCC, s.a. 940, where John gives the length of Æthelstan's reign as 16 years and Gloucester as the place where he died. Cf. also JWChronicula, fol. 73v; Winchcombe Chronicle (n. 57 above), s.a. 940.Google Scholar

329 JWKings (C, p. 53): .iiiito.Google Scholar

330 JWKings (C, p. 53): germanus suusGoogle Scholar

331 JWKings (C, p. 53): ętatis. xxxii. regni uero. xvi.Google Scholar

332 JWKings (C, p. 53) adds nouerce suęGoogle Scholar

x REGNUM] The final four-fifths of the column are blank VGoogle Scholar

333 JWKings (C, p. 53): suscepit. Anno uero regni sui nono decimoGoogle Scholar

334 At this point, this section matches most closely JWKings (C, p. 53).Google Scholar

335 In JWKings (C, p. 54), John records that Matilda bore William three sons: Robert, William, and Henry; but in JWCC, s.a. 1100, he mentions Richard who, like his older brother William II, “perished in the New Forest.” This Richard is thought to have died there between 1069 and 1075: seeOrderic, , Historia Ecclesiastica (n. 113 above), 3:114.Google Scholar

336 JWKings (C, p. 54): et anno regni uicesimo secundo in Normannia decessit.Google Scholar

337 JWKings (C, p. 54): et anno regni tertio decimo.Google Scholar