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The Miracles of Saint David: A New Text and Its Context

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 February 2016

Michael J. Curley*
The University of Puget Sound


The passage of time has not been kind to materials related to the cathedral of Saint David's in Wales. In particular, few medieval liturgical texts used in the commemoration of Welsh saints have survived the vicissitudes of time and the ardor of Reformation zealots. In 1940 Silas Harris lamented the “complete destruction of the Menevian [Saint David's] service books,” and noted that “the almost total destruction of Welsh MSS and service books in the course of the centuries leaves a woeful gap” in our knowledge of the liturgical celebration of the feasts of Welsh saints. So thorough was the destruction of Welsh service books, according to Harris, that our current knowledge of the liturgy for Saint David derives largely from texts preserved outside of Wales. The destruction was nowhere more thorough than at the cathedral of Saint David's itself, two of whose bishops, William Barlow (1536–48) and Robert Ferrar (1548–53), were willing participants in the destruction. On 31 March 1538, Barlow wrote to Thomas Cromwell for instructions on how to dispose of certain of the cathedral's relics and “a worm-eaten book covered with silver plate” which he had confiscated. Some twelve years later, Barlow's successor, Bishop Robert Ferrar, following the king's command, “burnt all ye Martyrologies, portiforiums, & antient Mis-sales of ye Cathedral Church of Saint David, with their calenders, wherein were entered ye names of ye Bishops & ye days and years of their entrance & death or translation.” Later, in 1571, “certain ungodly popish books: as masse books, hympnals, Grailes, Antiphons, and suche lik” belonging to the cathedral, but which had been hidden away by a church sexton named Elis ap Howel, were seized by a “Mr. Chanter” (= the Precentor, Thomas Huett?), who “caused the said ungodly books to be canceled and torn in pieces in the Vestrie before his face.” Not everything was lost however. Owain Tudor Edwards's publication in 1990 of the services for Saint David's feast in the Penpont Antiphonal did much to close the “woeful gap” in our knowledge of the liturgical celebration of the feast of Saint David. Two more texts connected with Saint David's cathedral have recently come to light, preserved in BL MS Royal 13 C.i. The first of these, five lecciones (lessons or readings) based on episodes in the life of Saint Nonita, the mother of Saint David (sixth century), the patron saint of Wales, was intended to be read at a service for Saint Nonita (or Non) on her feast day. These five lecciones Sancte Nonite, consisting of a heading and thirty-eight lines of text, provide the only surviving material from an office for the feast of Saint Nonita. The second text, consisting of eleven accounts of posthumous miracles effected by Saint David between about 1215–29 and 1405, is the subject of this study.

Research Article
Copyright © Fordham University 

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1 Harris, Silas M., Saint David in the Liturgy (Cardiff, 1940), 44. The author gratefully acknowledges the helpful observations he has received on earlier versions of this study from R. R. Davies, Wyn Evans, Ronald Finucane, Ralph Griffiths, Nona Rees, Michael Roberts, Jan Ziolkowski, and the two anonymous readers who refereed the article for this journal.Google Scholar

2 Harris, , Saint David in the Liturgy , 3.Google Scholar

3 Cook, George H., Letters to Cromwell and Others on the Suppression of the Monasteries (London, 1965), 165. On William Barlow, see Williams, Glanmor, “The Protestant Experiment in the Diocese of St. David's, 1534–53,” Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 15 (1953): 212–24.Google Scholar

4 Yardley, Edward, Menevia Sacra , ed. Green, Francis (London, 1927), 393; Harris, , Saint David in the Liturgy, 44.Google Scholar

5 Jones, William Basil and Freeman, Edward Augustus, The History and Antiquities of Saint David's (London, 1856), 343.Google Scholar

6 Edwards, Owain Tudor, Matins, Lauds and Vespers for Saint David's Day (Cambridge, 1990).Google Scholar

7 The name is spelled variously: Nonita, Nonnita, Nonnetta, Nonna, Nonn, Nun, Nunn, Non. For what it is worth, authorities closely associated with Saint David's church, such as Rhigyfarch, Gerald of Wales, and the Liber communis of Saint David's, spell the name Nonita, Nonnita, and Nonna respectively. In this essay I use the spelling of the lecciones themselves, Nonita, except when citing alternative spellings from other medieval sources.Google Scholar

8 Curley, Michael J., “Five Lecciones for the Feast of St Nonita: A Text and Its Context,” Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 (2002): 5975. Passages of the current study have been adapted from this article.Google Scholar

9 On the dating, see Richter, Michael, “The Life of St. David by Giraldus Cambrensis,” Welsh History Review 4 (1968–69): 386.Google Scholar

10 The other contents of MS Royal 13 C.i include portions of book seven of Higden's Polychronicon (fols. 1r–41v), lists of the archbishops of Canterbury and bishops of Wells (fols. 42r–42v, 51r–51v), a calendar including the dates for Easter for the years 1001 to 1532, along with historical notes down to 1459 (fols. 43r–50v), a tract entitled De acceptione munerum (fols. 52r–53v), genealogical lists concerned with English, French, and Norman rulers (Regalis prosapia regum Anglie descendentium ab Adam, Genealogia regum Francorum, Genealogia ducum Normannorum) (fols. 54r–61v), an abbreviated version of the Vita Henrici Quinti (fols. 62r–71v), chronicles concerned with the reigns of Henry VI (fols. 72r–88v), Richard II, and Henry IV (fols. 89r–130r, 131v = blank), letters from John of Heinsberg, Bishop of Liège (1419–1455), concerning the depredations of Sir Robert Poynings (1380–1446) (fols. 131r–133r), a tract in French entitled Exemples pour esperer prosperite et victoire non obstant que vn soit en adversite (133v–141r), including extracts from the Quadrilogue invectif (fols. 136r–138v) and he Traité de L'Esperance (fols. 138v–141r) by Chartier, Alain, a compendium of Roman history in French concerned with the era of Julius Caesar and Pompey extracted from Lucan and Suetonius (fols. 141v–146r, 146v = blank), various historical notes on the history of Rome, England, and France (Antiqua cronica alia vniuersalia), including notes on the deaths of Robert Grosseteste (1254) and Roger Bacon (1292) (fols. 147r–154r, 154v = blank), a brief world chronicle to the year 1453 (fols. 155r–164v), and notes on English history to the year 1317 (fols. 165r–171v). The manuscript has been described a number of times. See Warner, George F. Sir and Gilson, Julius P., British Museum, Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King's Collections (London, 1921): 2:101–2; Owen, Edward, A Catalogue of the Manuscripts Relating to Wales in the British Museum, Cymmrodorion Record Series 4 (London, 1900–22): 1:102. In A Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols. (London, 1862–71): 1:121 (no. 61), Hardy, T. D. made no mention of the accounts of the miracles of Saint David or the lecciones of Saint Nonita, and mistakenly dated Royal 13 C.i as “xvii cent.” He was followed in this error in dating by Harris, Saint David in the Liturgy, 16 n. 2 (“a seventeenth-century text, Royal 13 C.i”), and by Phillimore, Egerton (cited by Wade-Evans, A. W., Life of St. David [London, 1923]; xii–xiii: “This MS. is ascribed by Hardy to the seventeenth century”). More recent descriptions of the manuscript can be found in Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David , ed. James, J. W. (Cardiff, 1967; repr., 1985), xxiii; and McFarlane, K. B., “William Worcester: A Preliminary Survey,” in Studies Presented to Sir Hilary Jenkinson , ed. Conway Davies, J. (London, 1957), 212–13.Google Scholar

11 Gerald of Wales, Vita S. David in Geraldi Cambrensis Opera , ed. Brewer, J. S., Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores (Rolls Series) 21 (London, 1863) 3:377404.Google Scholar

12 Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David , ed. James, , xxiv.Google Scholar

13 The word lectio is found in Brewer's edition of Gerald's Life of Saint David to divide the work into ten parts of unequal length. Harris, Silas M. (Saint David in the Liturgy, 17 and note 2) took this as an indication that Gerald's text was intended to be read at Matins of the feast of Saint David, but he was puzzled by the unorthodox number of lessons. In the Royal 13 C.i version, however, only three lessons are indicated, and they are numbered iiijm (fol. 172v “Interea quidam,” ed. Brewer, , Vita S. David , 383), leccio viim (fol. 173v “Nec sic tamen,” ed. Brewer, , Vita S. David, 388), and leccio viijm (“Cessantibus itaque,” ed. Brewer, , Vita S. David, 389). Only the first of these corresponds to the beginning of a lectio (= Lectio III) in Brewer's edition, the other two being parts of Brewer's Lectio IV. In addition to their unorthodox number, the length of these readings from Gerald's Life of Saint David makes it rather unlikely that they were intended for use in the Office at Mat ins. A stronger argument for liturgical use might be made for the Life of Dubricius in the Book of Llandaff, which is divided into nine lessons (see The Text of the Book of Llan Dâv , ed. Gwenogvryn Evans, J. and Rhys, John [Oxford, 1893; repr., Aberystwyth, 1979], 68–86 and 337).Google Scholar

14 Edwards, Owain Tudor, “The Earliest Manuscript of Welsh Music: National Library of Wales MS.20541E,” The Welsh History Review: Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymra 14 (1988/89): 533–73, at 566. Versions can also be found in Harris, Saint David in the Liturgy, 18.Google Scholar

15 Scott, John, The Early History of Glastonbury: An Edition, Translation and Study of William of Malmesbury's De Antiquitate Glastonie Ecclesie (Woodbridge, 1981), 62, 64 (Latin), 63, 65 (English): Iam uero quanti eum penderit magnus ille David Maneuensium archiepiscopus celebrius est quam ut nostro indigeat illustrari relatu. Is antiquitatem et sanctitudinem ecclesie diuino comprobauit oraculo. Dedicacioni enim (eius) intendens, cum episcopis septem, quorum primas erat, ad locum uenit. Paratis autem omnibus que officii usus exposceret, nocte precessura, ut putabat, festiuitatem, sompno indulsit. Omnes ergo sensus in quietem solutus, uidit Dominum (Ihesum) assistere causam aduentus blande sciscitantem. Quam cum ille incunctanter aperuisset, reuocauit eum a sentencia Dominus hoc dicto. Dedicatam a se dudum ecclesiam in honore sue matris, iteracione humana sacramentum temerari non oportere. Simulque cum dicto, uolam digito terebrare uisus, hec subiecit: Hoc haberet signum repeti non debere quod ipse anticipasset facere, set quia intencionis illius non tarn fuerit audacia quam deuocio, penam non prolongandam. Denique mane futuro cum in missa, “per ipsum et cum ipso et in ipso,” dicturus esset, plenum ei salutis uigorem refundendum. Hiis terroribus antistes sompno excussus, sicut tunc sanie ulcerosa impalluit, sic postea prophetie ueritati applausit. Sed ne nichil uideretur egisse, aliam ecclesiam citato fecit et dedicauit opere. The story is also told in William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum: History of the English Kings , ed. and trans. Mynors, R. A. B., completed by Thomson, R. M. and Winterbottom, M. (Oxford, 1998–99), 1:810 (Latin), 1:811 (English), where David is called an archbishop; see also the edition by Stubbs in the Rolls Series: Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum, Libri Quinque , ed. Stubbs, William, vol. 1, Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores (Rolls Series) 90 (London, 1887), 27–28.Google Scholar

16 This church was apparently known to locals as “seinte Marie la petite” (Scott, , Early History of Glastonbury , 64 n. j).Google Scholar

17 See Finucane, Ronald C., The Rescue of the Innocents: Endangered Children in Medieval Miracles (New York, 2000); and Goodich, Michael E., Violence and Miracle in the Fourteenth Century: Private Grief and Public Salvation (Chicago, 1995), esp. chapter five (“Children as Victims”).Google Scholar

18 During the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, the cathedral was often in financial difficulties (Williams, Glanmor, The Welsh Church: From Conquest to Reformation [Cardiff, 1976], 153; Petitions to the Pope, A.D. 1342–1419 , ed. Bliss, W. H. [London, 1896], 221, vol. 1 of Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ire land , ed. Bliss, W. H., Johnson, C., and Twemlow, J. A., 14 vols. [London, 1893–1960]. The bishop of Saint David's must ask the pope for permission to appropriate churches to the value of 200 marks because his income had declined so much as a result of the plague; also, Papal Letters, A.D. 1404–1415 , ed. Twemlow, J. A., [London, 1904], 443, vol. 6 of Bliss, Johnson, , and Twemlow, , eds., Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers: to John, elect of Saint David's from Pope John XXIII on the wars and calamities that have impoverished “those parts”). Bishop Henry Chichele found it impossible to live on the revenues of Saint David's and had to petition the pope to keep the benefices he held when he was appointed to Saint David's (Twemlow, , ed., Papal Letters, A.D. 1404–1415, 112, 130; Wil liams, Welsh Church, 158). Episcopal visitations from Saint David's between 1400–1405 found churches “without exception impoverished and inefficiently managed” (Williams, , Welsh Church, 146–177, esp. 155).Google Scholar

19 AS … mensis Octobris , vol. 1 (Paris, 1866), 657, 649; Finucane, R. C. “Cantilupe as Thaumaturge: Pilgrims and their ‘Miracles’,” in St Thomas Cantilupe: Bishop of Hereford, Essays in His Honour , ed. Jancy, Meryl (Hereford, 1982), 137–44 at 139.Google Scholar

20 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 6–8 (Latin), 3233 (English).Google Scholar

21 Goodich, Michael, “Miracles and Disbelief in the Late Middle Ages,” Mediaevistik 1 (1988): 27.Google Scholar

22 A few comparisons with the kinds of miracles attributed to John of Bridlington will help to make this point. While the libri used in Saint John of Bridlington's canonization process do not survive as such, some indication of their content can be gathered from the miracle accounts attached to the medieval lives of Bridlington, several of which find close parallels in the eleven miracles of Saint David contained in MS Royal 13 C.i: through the intercession of John of Bridlington, a carpenter is brought back from the dead after a fall (miracle 3), merchants from Hartlepool are rescued as their ship founders in the North Sea (miracle 5), a man is set free from prison (miracles 1 and 9), a boy is revived after dying of the plague (miracle 6), a foreign visitor, John de la Grunagraunt, comes from Gascony to visit the shrine of the saint (miracle 1) and is cured of paralysis (miracle 8). Paul Grosjean has edited these miracle narratives (“De S. Iohanne Bridlingtoniensi Collectanea,” Analeda Bollandiana 53 [1953]: 121–25; they have been translated in Purvis, J. S., Saint John of Bridlington [Bridlington, 1924], 19–29). To encourage the faithful to visit the saint's shrine at Bridlington the bull of canonization (see Purvis, , Saint John of Bridlington, 41) granted the remission of penance of seven years and seven forty-day periods to all penitents who visit the sepulchre on the feast day of John of Bridlington (10 October).Google Scholar

23 Armes Prydein: The Prophecy of Britain from the Book of Taliesin , ed. and annotated by Sir If or Williams, English version by Bromwich, Rachel (Dublin, 1972), lines 51, 105, 129, 140 and 196; also xxiv–vi on the poem's likely origin in a Saint David's center in south Wales.Google Scholar

24 See Petitions to the Pope, A.D. 1342–1419 , ed. Bliss, , 141, 221, where Reginald is named as Guy's brother. This family relationship was unknown to Cokayne (The Complete Peerage , ed. Cokayne, G. E., vol. 2 [London, 1912], 361). The relationship between the bishops of Saint David's and the Brian family dates back at least to the time of Bishop Thomas Wallensis (26 July 1247–11 July 1255). Bishop Thomas received the manor of Eglwys Gymyn, located a few miles west of Laugharne, from Guy Brian as a peace offering when they were engaged in a dispute (see St Davids Episcopal Acta, 1085–1280 , ed. Barrow, Julia [Cardiff, 1998], 141–042. No date is specified for the grant).Google Scholar

25 Petitions to the Pope, A.D. 1342–1419 , ed. Bliss, , 257, 268, 279, 374. Dugdale, William (Monasticon Anglicanum, 6 vols. [London, 1849], 6:1388) gives a charter dated from the fourth year of Bishop Adam Houghton's episcopacy which lists Guy Brian as the founder of Malros church in Saint David's diocese (“et ecclesiae de Malros, de nobili viro domino Guidone de Bryenne”).Google Scholar

26 Jones, and Freeman, , History and Antiquities (n. 5 above), 133; Yardley, , Menevia Sacra (n. 4 above), 55. This window no longer exists. The arms of Reginald de Brian, however, can be found in the early twentieth-century floor mosaic of the Lady Maidstone/Saint Edward chapel. These arms are sometimes mistakenly identified as belonging to Bishop Gower. I owe this information to Nona Rees, sub-librarian of Saint David's Cathedral Library.Google Scholar

27 Calendar of the Charter Rolls , ed. Crump, C. G., 6 vols. (London, 1903–27) 5:304; also 123, 306, 315.Google Scholar

28 AS … mensis Octobris , vol. 1, 632–34, 675, 680, 668, 692, 687, and 684 respectively.Google Scholar

29 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 27 (Latin), 48 (English). Bishop Barlow denounced the Welsh belief in Saint David's posthumous powers. He claimed that David was thought to possess “power also in heven to geve it whom he wold, to discharge hell, to emptie purgatory, to pardon synne, to release payne, yee to save his beficiall frendes, to curse and kyll his unfavorable adversaries.” See Three Chapters of Letters Relating to the Suppression of the Monasteries , ed. Wright, Thomas (London, 1843), 208.Google Scholar

30 Williams, , Welsh Church (n. 18 above), 121–23, 137.Google Scholar

31 Davies, R. R., The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr (Oxford, 1995), 58. The exception was Ieuan Trefor, consecrated bishop of Saint Asaph in 1395. Trefor defected to Glyn Dŵr's cause in 1404.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 Yardley, , Menevia Sacra , 60.Google Scholar

33 Yardley, (ibid.) gives the date as 8 September; see also Calendar of the Close Rolls: Henry IV , ed. Bird, W. H. B., 5 vols. (London, 1927–38), 2:111.Google Scholar

34 Matthews, T., Welsh Records in Paris (Carmarthen, 1910), 53, 98.Google Scholar

35 Dictionary of Welsh Biography down to 1940 (Oxford, 1959), 1111–12. Young's appointment to Bangor was later nullified in 1414 by Pope John XXIII, who declared Bishop Lewis the legitimate holder of the see (Papal Letters, A.D. 1404–1415 , ed. Twemlow, , 502–3; and Hierarchia catholica medii aeviab anno 1198 usque ad annum 1431 perducta , ed. Eubel, Conrad [Regensberg, 1913], 1:127 n. 3). Also see Greenway, William, “The Papacy and the Diocese of St David's, 1305–1417,” Church Quarterly Review 161 (1960): 436–48 and 162 (1961): 33–49.Google Scholar

36 Adam of Usk ( The Chronicle of Adam of Usk, 1377–1421 , ed. and trans. Given-Wilson, C. [Oxford, 1997], 146–47) notes that Cardigan deserted Owain Glyn Dŵr in 1401; some of the region rejoined him later.Google Scholar

37 Calendar of the Close Rolls: Henry IV , ed. Bird, , 2:226.Google Scholar

38 Lloyd, J. E. Sir, Owen Glendower (Owen Glyn Dŵr) (Oxford, 1931), 81; Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England , ed. Nicolas, Harris, 7 vols. (London, 1834–37), 1:221; see also 2:83–84.Google Scholar

39 Lloyd, , Owen Glendower , 81; Turvey, R. K., “The Marcher Shire of Pembroke and the Glyndŵr Rebellion,” Welsh History Review 15 (1990/91): 151–68 at 161.Google Scholar

40 Turvey, , “The Marcher Shire,” 166–67; Williams, Glanmor, Recovery, Reorientation and Reformation: Wales 1415–1642 (Oxford, 1988), 28; Williams, , Welsh Church, 229–30 and 254–55. Williams, (Welsh Church, 229) suggests that Saint David's escaped damage in the rebellion “possibly because of its remote situation, possibly because Glyn Dŵr was content to levy blackmail from the canons as he was from other Pembrokeshire parsons.” Google Scholar

41 Lloyd, , Owen Glyndower , 99.Google Scholar

42 Griffiths, Ralph A., “Gentlemen and Rebels in Later Mediaeval Cardiganshire,” Ceredigion: Journal of the Cardigan Antiquarian Society 5 (1964–67): 157.Google Scholar

43 Griffiths, , “Gentlemen and Rebels,” 147; Lloyd, , Owen Glyndower, 150–51.Google Scholar

44 Griffiths, , “Gentlemen and Rebels,” 157–58.Google Scholar

45 Ibid., 158.Google Scholar

46 Ibid., 156.Google Scholar

47 Calendar of Patent Rolls: Henry IV , ed. Fowler, R. C., 4 vols. (London, 1903–8), 3:80; Calendar of the Close Rolls: Henry IV , ed. Bird, , 3:20, 27. On the subject of ransom during the rebellion, see Davies, , Revolt (n. 31 above), 233–34, especially 234 for the ransom of the Welsh loyalist Ieuan Llyglyw of Dyffryn Clwyd. Also, ibid., 225–27 and 302–3; and Lloyd, , Owen Glendower, 147–48, on the career of Dafydd Gam of Brecon, who died fighting on the English side at Agincourt.Google Scholar

48 Davies, , Revolt , 131–32, 135–36. The region came to be called Iscoed Glyndŵr.Google Scholar

49 Lloyd, , Owen Glendower , 131 on the career of Rhys. Lloyd identified this Rhys with Rhys ap Gryuyth de Cardigan in Adam of Usk's chronicle.Google Scholar

50 Lloyd, , Owen Glendower , 131, 141 n. 2, 142; Chronicle of Adam of Usk (n. 36 above), ed. Given-Wilson, , 240–41. On the careers of these men, see Griffiths, “Gentlemen and Rebels,” 154–56; also, Davies, , Revolt, 199, 203–4 and Lloyd, Owen Glendower, 131.Google Scholar

51 Davies, , Revolt , 117, 164; Lloyd, Owen Glendower, 101.Google Scholar

52 Davies, , Revolt , 193–95. Lloyd, , Owen Glendower, 101–2; Calendar of the Close Rolls: Henry IV , ed. Bird, , 2:527–28, for the 7 August date.Google Scholar

53 The Chronique de Saint Denys (Chronique du religieux de Saint-Denys, contenant le Règne De Charles VI, de 1380 à 1422 , ed. and trans. Bellaguet, M. L., 6 vols. [Paris, 1839–52] 3:328) says that Cardigan surrendered after learning of the breaching of the walls of Carmarthen: “Inde ambo exercitus ad Cardinguam castrum vallidum tendentes, ex eventu vicinorum infausto territi oppidani dedicionem mox acceptaverunt imperatam.” Also see Lloyd, , Owen Glendower, 103.Google Scholar

54 Lloyd, , Owen Glendower , 152.Google Scholar

55 Griffiths, , “Gentlemen and Rebels,” 157–58.Google Scholar

56 Davies, , Revolt , 202–4, 312.Google Scholar

57 Papal Letters, A.D. 14041415 , ed. Twemlow, , 94. See also, Hierarchia catholica (n. 35 above), ed. Eubel, , 336 n. 10: “A. 1408 Maii 23 ei a Gre. XII data est facultas absolvendi scismaticos et rebelles in partibus Walliae ad unionem Ecclesiae redituros.” Google Scholar

58 Harris, , Saint David in the Liturgy (n. 1 above), 21 n. 2.Google Scholar

59 Griffiths, , “Gentlemen and Rebels,” 156; also Davies, , Revolt, esp. ch. 11, “Submission and Aftermath.” Google Scholar

60 Chronicle of Adam of Usk , ed. Given-Wilson, , 263; Wylie, James Hamilton, The Reign of Henry the Fifth, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1914–29), 2:239.Google Scholar

61 Calendar of Ancient Correspondence concerning Wales , ed. Goronwy Edwards, J. (Cardiff, 1935), 257.Google Scholar

62 Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales and The Description of Wales , trans. with an introduction by Thorpe, Lewis (Harmondsworth, 1978), 162. Gerald is revising Geoffrey of Monmouth's information on Samson, who supposedly was archbishop of York and was expelled from his city by the Saxons (see The Historia Regum Britannie of Geoffrey of Monmouth, Vol. 1: A Single-manuscript Edition from Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Ms. 568 , ed. Wright, Neil [Cambridge, 1984], 106: “Cumque [Arthur] urbem introisset, uisa sacrarum ecclesiarum desolatione condoluit. Expulso nanque beato Sansone archiepiscopo ceterisque sancta religionis uiris templa semiusta ab officio Dei cessabant. Tanta etenim paganorum insania preualuerat”). See also Opera , ed. Brewer, (n. 11 above), 3:76 (from Gerald's De Invectionibus).Google Scholar

63 Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People , ed. Colgrave, Bertram and Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford, 1969), bk. 2, ch. 2: 136, 138 (Latin), 137, 139 (English). Bede gives no indication of the places from which these bishops came. Note Gerald of Wales's comment on this passage in Bede: “That there were then seven Welsh bishops whereas there are now only four can easily be accounted for. There were probably more cathedrals in Wales in those days than there are now; or maybe Wales itself was bigger, stretching right down to the Severn” ( Journey through Wales , trans. Thorpe, , 164–65).Google Scholar

64 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, (n. 10 above), 8: Glastonbury, Bath, Crowland, Reptum, Colva, Glascwm, Leominster, Raglan, Llangyvelach, and Menevia; the Ves pasian redaction of Rhigyfarch adds that two saints in the province of Cydweli also submitted to Saint David (ibid., 8 n. f). On this peculiar list, see Wade-Evans, , Life of Saint David (n. 10 above), 80–83.Google Scholar

65 See Williams, , Welsh Church (n. 18 above), 218–45, and esp. 224–28 on the role of Gruffudd Young, Glyn Dŵr's chancellor, in formulating the “Pennal Policy”; also Davies, , Revolt, 169–72, 212–13.Google Scholar

66 Matthews, , Welsh Records (n. 34 above), 52 (Latin), 96 (English).Google Scholar

67 Ibid., 53 (Latin), 97 (English).Google Scholar

68 Ibid., 53 (Latin), 97–98 (English). The idea that the church of Wales derived its authority from a higher authority than Canterbury was scarcely new in Gerald's or Glyn Dŵr's day; it finds expression in Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David (1095), which claimed that when David, Teilo, and Paternus visited Jerusalem, the Patriarch himself made David archbishop (Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 20: “Deinde diuina fultus electione, ad archiepiscopatum eum prouehit.” Kirby, D. P. [“A Note on Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David,” Welsh History Review 4 (1968): 292–97] argued that the passages in Rhigyfarch supporting David's status as an archbishop were added to Rhigyfarch's original text around 1124/30–ca.ll45). Again, at the Synod of Brevi, according to Rhigyfarch, David was unanimously elected “archbishop of the entire British race” (“totius Brytannice gentis archiepiscopus constituitur”), and his city was proclaimed “the metropolis of the whole country” (Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 24: “ciuitas eius totius patrie me tropolis dedicatur”). As we have already seen, the legend of Saint David's pilgrimage to dedicate the church at Glastonbury as found in the Royal manuscript version of Gerald's Life of Saint David also insists that the seven bishop-companions of Saint David mentioned by William of Malmesbury be called “seven suffragans,” and that David, their primas in William's version, be styled an “archbishop” (“archipresul”). The long and interesting history of the cathedral of Saint David's struggle to achieve metropolitan status need not detain us here (see Richter, Michael, Giraldus Cambrensis: The Growth of the Welsh Nation [Aberystwyth, 1976], 38–56, 83–127; Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents Relating to Welsh Dioceses, 1066–1272 , ed. Davies, James Conway, 2 vols. [Cardiff, 1946–48], 1:145–232).Google Scholar

69 Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:54.Google Scholar

70 Ibid., 3:229: “Verum cum ecclesia Menevensis temporibus beati Davidis et xxv. successorum ejusdem usque ad Samsonem Dolensem, qui pallium nostrum asportavit, intra Walliae spatium, ut nunc est, et v. episcopatuum Angliae, Cestrensis scilicet seu Coventrensis, Herefordensis, Wigorniensis, Bathoniensis et Exoniensis, sicut ex antiquis historiis vel ex veterum relatione fideli et assertione colligitur, xii. suffraganeos haberet; nunc tribus illis tantum, qui intra Walliae fines continentur, contenta foret.” See a slightly different list in Roger of Howden ( Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene , ed. Stubbs, William, 4 vols. [London, 1868–71], 4:103–4) and in Walter of Coventry, whose list comes from Howden (Memoriale fratris Walteri de Coventria: The Historical Collections of Walter of Coventry (from Brutus to 1225) , ed. Stubbs, William, 2 vols. [London, 1872–73], 2:155–56). Also Hill, Geoffry, English Dioceses: A History of Their Limits from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (London, 1900), 350–55.Google Scholar

71 Dickenson, J. C., An Ecclesiastical History of England: The Later Middle Ages from the Conquest to the Eve of the Reformation (London, 1979), 72; Margaret Deanesley, The Pre-Conquest Church in England (New York, 1961), 249; and Hill, , English Dioceses, 255.Google Scholar

72 De praesulibus Angliae commentarius: omnium episcoporum, necnon et cardinalium eivsdem gentis, nomina … per Franciscvm Godwinvm episcopum Landauensem (London, 1616), 602–3.Google Scholar

73 From the Severn estuary to the north gate of the city of Worcester; from there to the ash trees known in Welsh as Onennau Meigion along the high road from Bridgnorth to Kinver; then along the old road to the source of the River Trent; from there to the headwaters of the River Mersey and along the river to the sea. See Davies, , Revolt, 167 for the borders, and 166 for the date; also Rees, William, An Historical Atlas of Wales from Early to Modern Times , 2nd ed. (London, 1959), plate 52. The lack of conformity between the political and the ecclesiastical borders of Wales in Glyn Dŵr's scheme probably reflects an effort on the Welsh leader's part to leave intact what he viewed as the ancient archiepiscopal reach of the Welsh church, while pursuing a somewhat more realizable political jurisdiction for the new principality.Google Scholar

74 Davies, , Revolt , 157–59.Google Scholar

75 The Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee , ed. Stokes, Whitley (London, 1905; repr., 1984), 55. See also 183 where Saint Molua is spoken of as a soulfriend (“anmchara”) of Saint David.Google Scholar

76 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 34; Gerald of Wales, Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:392.Google Scholar

77 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 6; Gerald of Wales, Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:383–84.Google Scholar

78 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 1617; Gerald of Wales, Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:392.Google Scholar

79 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 9 (Latin), 34 (English); Gerald of Wales, Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:387.Google Scholar

80 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 18 n. c: “Verum pene tercia pars uel quarta Hibernie seruit Dauid Aquilento, ubi fuit Maidoc, qui et Aidanus ab infantia, cui dedit sanctus David tintinnabulum quod uocatur cruedin.” Google Scholar

81 Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents , ed. Davies, (n. 68 above), 1:399. Of the Irish churches dedicated to Saint David, particularly Mulrankin in the diocese of Ferns, see Harris, , Saint David in the Liturgy (n. 1 above), 73.Google Scholar

82 His election in 1198 was rejected by King John. Gerald was urged by the canons to accept nomination again in 1215, but he refused (Richter, , Giraldus Cambrensis , 9).Google Scholar

83 Opera , ed. Brewer, , 1:112.Google Scholar

84 De rebus a se gestis (Opera, , ed. Brewer, , 1:65): “Processu vero temporis duorum episcopatuum, qui tunc vacabant, Wesefordensis, sc. qui et Fernensis dicitur, et Lechelinensis, archidiacono comes optionem dedit; et cum utramque recusaret, obtulit illi duas ecclesias illas et dioceses in unum convertendas, si regimen ipsarum suscipere vellet.” The same account is on p. 87. In any event, Ferns was ruled by Bishop Ailbe, a close ally of King John, from ca. 1186–1223. See also Gerald's, De Invectionibus (Opera , ed. Brewer, , 1:139–40), where he also claims that he was offered the bishopric of “Waterford by Meiler fitzHenry, Justiciar of Ireland (1199–1208), and the metropolitan church of Cashel with its nine suffragans. Cf. his De jure (Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:338): “Oblati nempe sunt ei episcopatus in Wallia duo, et ambo recusati; et in Hibernia tres episcopatus et archiepiscopatus unus, quos similiter omnes recusavit: sicut in libro, qui De Invectionibus intitulatus est, plenius continetur.” Google Scholar

85 Opera , ed. Brewer, , 3:391: “Ubi aliquamdiu signis et virtutibus claruisset, demum apud Fernas nobile monasterium construxit; in quo ad formam et regulam, quam apud Meneviam a pio patre didicerat, collectis in unum fratribus Domino deservire devovit.” Google Scholar

86 Ussher, James, Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiqvitates (Dublin, 1639), 89: “qui [Ferns] omnibus Provinciae Laginensis Ecclesijs in Hiberniâ aliquando praeerat, nulli autem Britanniae Archiepiscopatui unquàm suberat.” Ussher claims to derive his information on the suffragans of Saint David's from the cathedral archives, but note u in the 1639 edition of Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiqvitates cites his real source as Godwin's De praesulibus Angliae. His list of suffragans follows that of Godwin.Google Scholar

87 Nova Legenda Anglie , ed. Horstman, Carl, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1901), 2:109: “multa alia de confessore isto glorioso in vno solo loco Wallie scripta vidi, que vetustate quasi deleta legi non poterant”; Wade-Evans, , Life of Saint David (n. 10 above), 41, says that John of Tynemouth probably found this book at Llangynnydd in Gower.Google Scholar

88 Doble, G. H. and Simon Evans, D., Lives of the Welsh Saints (Cardiff, 1971), 173–74. Gesta Regum Anglorum , ed. Mynors, Thomson, and Winterbottom, (n. 15 above), 1:778, 780 (Latin), 779, 781 (English).Google Scholar

90 Nova Legenda Anglie , ed. Horstman, , 1:261 n. 1.Google Scholar

91 Brut Y Tywysogyon or The Chronicle of the Princes: Red Book of Hergest Version , ed. and trans. Jones, Thomas (Cardiff, 1955), 222 (Welsh), 223 (English).Google Scholar

92 Chronicle of Adam of Usk , ed. and trans. Given-Wilson, (n. 36 above), 210–11.Google Scholar

93 Water used in Saint David's baptism, according to Rhigyfarch, cured a man named Movi, who was born without eyes or nostrils (see Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David , ed. James, [n. 10 above], 6; also Simon Evans, D., The Welsh Life of Saint David [Cardiff, 1988], 33–34). On the curative properties of the water with which Saint Oswald's corpse was bathed, see Ecclesiastical History , ed. Colgrave, and Mynors, (n. 63 above), bk. 3, ch. 2, 214–16 (Latin), 215, 217 (English). For recent studies of water miracles, see Sigal, Pierre-André, “Naissance et premier development d'un vinage exceptionnel: l'eau de saint Thomas,” Cahiers de civilization médiévale 44 (2001): 35–44; Morris, Colin, “San Ranieri of Pisa: The Power and Limitations of Sanctity in Twelfth-Century Italy,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45 (1994): 588–99.Google Scholar

94 The Black Book of Saint David's , ed. Willis-Bund, J. W. (London, 1902), xlvxlvi, 37; Ellis, T. P., Welsh Tribal Law, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1926), 1:348; Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents , ed. Davies, (n. 68 above), 1:400.Google Scholar

95 The Life and Miracles of St Willam of Norwich by Thomas of Monmouth , ed. Jessopp, Augustus and James, Montague Rhodes (Cambridge, 1896), 123.Google Scholar

96 Opera , ed. Brewer, , 6:203 (Description of Wales, bk. 1, ch. 18) and 6:27 (Itinerary, bk. 1, ch. 2).Google Scholar

97 The Hereford Breviary , edited from the Rouen edition of 1505 with collation of manuscripts by Frere, Walter Howard and Brown, Langton E. G., vol. 2 (London, 1911), 382 (for the service for October 25): “Ex quo (ut ferunt), deo (ut credunt) electi sui meritis populum suum oculo misericordie respiciente, lues illa grauissima, percutiente angelo manum suam continente, cessauit.” On the date of the translation, see Finucane, Ronald C., Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Beliefs in Medieval England (London, 1977), 179.Google Scholar

98 Registrum Johannis de Trillek, Episcopi Herefordensis , ed. Parry, Joseph Henry (London, 1912), 138: “Unde excellentissimus princeps et dominus noster, dominus Edwardus, premissa intenta mente considerans, domino Johanni, nuper archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, dum vixit, suis litteris supplicavit ut, pro pace sancte ecclesie atque regni sui Anglie, quodque ipsum regnum suum ab hiis pestilenciis et hominum mortalitate Deus omnipotens sua ineffabili misericordia salvet et custodiat, apud ipsum Deum per totam provinciam Cantuariensem faceret fundi preces.” The letter was sent to Trillek and the other bishops by Ralph Stratford, Bishop of London, since Archbishop John Stratford had died of the plague on 23 August 1348. See Dohar, William J., The Black Death and Pastoral Leader ship: The Diocese of Hereford in the Fourteenth Century (Philadelphia, 1995), 34–35.Google Scholar

99 Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae , ed. Wilkins, David, 4 vols. (London, 1737), 2:752. Bishop Trillek's acknowledgment of receipt of the letter is in Registrum Johannis de Trillek, 149–50.Google Scholar

100 Horstman, ( Nova Legenda Anglie [n. 87 above], 1:liii) thought that Tynemouth died of the plague in 1348. His history stops at that year (see Dictionary of National Biography, 19:888). Galbraith, V. H. (“The Historia Aurea of John, Vicar of Tynemouth,” in Essays in History Presented to Reginald Lane Poole , ed. Davis, H. W. C. [Oxford, 1927], 379–91, esp. 381–84) concluded that John of Tynemouth flourished around 1366. Lucas, Peter J. (“John Capgrave and the Nova Legenda Anglie: A Survey,” The Library, 5th series, 25, no. 1 [March, 1970]: 2) gives 1350–63 as the date of Tynemouth's Sanctilogium Angliae. My analysis does not depend on John Tynemouth being the author of the versions of miracles 1 and 2 in Nova Legenda Anglie. .Google Scholar

101 Moorman, J. R. H., “Edward I at Lanercost Priory 1306–7,” English Historical Review 67 (1952): 169.Google Scholar

102 Annates Cambriae , ed. Williams, John ab Ithel, Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores (Rolls Series) 20 (London, 1860; repr., 1965), 8788.Google Scholar

103 Hughes, Kathleen, Celtic Britain in the Early Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 1980), 7984.Google Scholar

104 Ibid., 79.Google Scholar

105 Jones, and Freeman, , History and Antiquities (n. 5 above), 150–51; more recently, see Stalley, Roger, “The Architecture of St David's Cathedral: Chronology, Catastrophe and Design,” The Antiquaries Journal 82 (2002): 10–20.Google Scholar

106 Annates Cambriae , ed. ab Ithel, 87.Google Scholar

107 A similar determination to name a thief of church property occurs in the Vita Sancti Gundleii, in which Ednywain of Gwynedd is specified as the man who stole a chalice and vestments from the church of Saint Gwynllyw (see Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae , ed. Wade-Evans, A. W. [Cardiff, 1944], 186–89). For an attempt to identify this Ednywain, see, Davies, John Ruben, “Church, Property, and Conflict in Wales, AD 600–11,” Welsh History Review 18 (1996/7): 403 n. 60. For the defamatio memoriae of Edith Crickel for her theft at Waltham Abbey, see The Foundation of Waltham Abbey: The Tract “De inventione Sanctae Crucis nostrae in Monte Acuto et de ductione ejusdem apud Waltham” with introduction and notes by Stubbs, William (Oxford, 1861), 36–37.Google Scholar

108 Jackson, Kenneth, Language and History in Early Britain (Edinburgh, 1953), 346 n. 2, 620, 710; Gruffydd, Geraint and Owen, Huw Parri, “The Earliest Mention of St. David,” Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 17 (1957): 185–93; Thomas, Charles, And Shall These Mute Stones Speak? Post-Roman Inscriptions in Western Britain (Cardiff, 1994), 100; Thomas, Charles, “The Llanddewi-brefi ‘Idnert’ Stone,” Peritia 10 (1996): 136–83; Davies, , “Church, Property, and Conflict,” 396–97.Google Scholar

109 Annates Cambriae, ed. ab Ithel, 7 (A.D. 645): “Percussio Demeticae regionis, quando coenobium David incensum est”; 11 (A.D. 810): “Combustio Miniu.” See also Nennius, British History and The Welsh Annals , ed. and trans. Morris, John (London, 1980), 86, 88; and Davies, , “Church, Property, and Conflict,” 397, esp. n. 26.Google Scholar

110 Annates Cambriae , ed. ab Ithel, 2829: “Arcna Sancti David ab ecclesia [sua] furta est, et auro argentoque quibus tegebatur spoliata est.” Google Scholar

111 Ibid., 87. This is the version of the story told in miracle 4 in MS Royal 13 C.i. Google Scholar

112 Ibid., 104.Google Scholar

113 For a convenient chronological survey of these raids, see Davies, , “Church, Property, and Conflict,” esp. 397–402.Google Scholar

114 Alfred the Great: Asser's Life of King Alfred and Other Contemporary Sources , trans. with an introduction and notes by Keynes, Simon and Lapidge, Michael (London, 1983), 9496.Google Scholar

115 Brut y Tywysogion , ed. Jones, (n. 91 above), 18. See also, Annates Cambriae, ed. Ab Ithel, 20, under the year 975: “Gothrit et Haraldus vastaverunt Devet et Meneviam.” Google Scholar

116 Davies, , “Church, Property, and Conflict,” 398.Google Scholar

117 Jones, and Freeman, , History and Antiquities , 162 and n. d there.Google Scholar

118 Ibid., 161–62.Google Scholar

119 Baring-Gould, S. and Fisher, John, The Lives of the British Saints (Wales and Cornwall) , 4 vols. (London, 1907–13), 4:408.Google Scholar

120 Gildae, De Excidio Britanniae, fragmenta, liber de paenitentia, accidit et Lorica Gildae , ed. Williams, Hugh (London, 1899), 345.Google Scholar

121 Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae , ed. Wade-Evans, (n. 107 above), 226.Google Scholar

122 Ibid., 226–27.Google Scholar

123 Foundation of Waltham Abbey , ed. Stubbs, (n. 107 above), 4243.Google Scholar

124 The Text of the Book of Llan Dâv , ed. Evans, and Rhys, (n. 13 above), 135–36.Google Scholar

125 Is this an error for Bishop Robert Peche (1121–26) or Bishop Richard Peche (1161–82)? Roger Clinton was bishop of Coventry and Lichfield (1129–48).Google Scholar

126 Opera , ed. Brewer, , 2:105.Google Scholar

127 Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae , ed. Wade-Evans, , 188–99.Google Scholar

128 The Irish Penitentials , ed. Bieler, Ludwig, with an appendix by Binchy, D. A. (Dublin, 1963), 67. A similar penalty for the offense can be found in the Penitential of Cumean (see ibid., 119).Google Scholar

129 Medieval Handbooks of Penance , ed. and trans. McNeill, John T. and Gamer, Helena M. (New York, 1938; repr., 1990), 141. The other two possible penalties were that the perpetrator “be committed to prison, to fast for such a time as the seniors shall determine and restore entire what he carried off; or he shall be sent forth on pilgrimage and restore double, and shall swear that he will not return until he has completed the penance and [that] after the penance he will be a monk.” Google Scholar

130 The Irish Penitentials , ed. Bieler, , 171.Google Scholar

131 Ibid., 142: “Fur per noctem occidi licet, per diem non licet; qui occiderit in nocte nullam causam habet.” On the killer's freedom from making restitution, see 152.Google Scholar

132 Ibid., 152: “Si quis ingenuus furtum fecerit et in ipso commisso morietur, nullus a suis habeat questionem.” Google Scholar

133 Ibid., 215.Google Scholar

134 See ibid., esp. 68–69, 82–83, 100–101, 102–5, 112–13, 116–17, 128–29, 216–17, and 224–25.Google Scholar

135 Davies, , Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents (n. 68 above), 1:378.Google Scholar

136 Ibid., 1:388.Google Scholar

137 Ibid., 1:396. Under Bishop Adam Houghton (1362–89) the office of sacristan was empowered to guard the church's valuables and to ring the bell (Dugdale, William, Monasticon Anglicanum [n. 25 above] 6 [pt. 3]:1390: “unus ydoneus sacrista, qui curam habeat et custodiam librorum, vestimentorum, et omnium aliorum ornamentorum spiritualium, luminarium, et vasorum in capellâ dictae cantariae, et ordinationem pulsationis campanarum in eadem”).Google Scholar

138 Ibid., 6 (pt. 3):1390, dated 1372: “quam si quis maliciosè, seu fraudulenter, quovis exquisito colore impugnaverit, vel impugnare attemptaverit in toto vel in parte, maledictiones Dei, beatae Mariae, ac beatorum Andraeae et David patronorum nostrorum et nostram incurrat ipso facto.” Google Scholar

139 Livy, , Ab Urbe Condita , 5.21.Google Scholar

140 da Piazza, Michele, Cronaca , ed. Giuffrida, Antonino (Palermo, 1980), 85.Google Scholar

141 Opera , ed. Brewer, , 2:105–6.Google Scholar

142 Geary, Patrick J., Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, 1978), ch. 6 (“Justifications”).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

143 The Book of Sainte Foy , trans. with an introduction and notes by Sheingorn, Pamela and Clark, Robert L. A. (Philadelphia, 1995), 266–71.Google Scholar

144 See Geary, , Furta Sacra , 137–38 on the commonplace of the saint's being complicit in the theft of his relics.Google Scholar

145 Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae , ed. Plummer, Charles, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1910), 1:3132. These oxen later waded into a river and were never seen again; AS … mensis Octobris, vol. 12, 276–93; Geary, , Furta Sacra, 141; Sharpe, Richard, Medieval Irish Saints Lives: An Introduction to Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxford, 1991), 363, dates the Life of Saint Abbán in the 1220s or 1230s.Google Scholar

146 Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae , ed. Plummer, , 1:32.Google Scholar

147 The Text of the Book of Llan Dâv , ed. Evans, and Rhys, (n. 13 above), 116–17; the bodies are exactly the same. On this legend, see Doble, and Evans, , Lives of the Welsh Saints (n. 88 above), 191–93. The same story is told of Saint Beuno (see Henken, Elissa R., Traditions of the Welsh Saints [Cambridge, 1987], 88).Google Scholar

148 Geoffrey of Burton, Life and Miracles of Saint Modwenna , ed. and trans. Bartlett, Robert (Oxford, 2002), 172. For the story of the contention over the corpse of Saint Patrick, see The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh, ed. with introduction, translation, and commentary by Bieler, Ludwig and Kelly, Fergus (Dublin, 1979), 120, 122 (Latin), 121, 123 (English).Google Scholar

149 On the importance of motivation in the theft of relics, see Geary, , Furta Sacra , 140–43.Google Scholar

150 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 17 (Latin), 40 (English); Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae , ed. Plummer, , 1:69.Google Scholar

151 See n. 75 above.Google Scholar

152 Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David , ed. James, , 2 (Latin), 30 (English).Google Scholar

153 Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae , ed. Plummer, , 2:136–37.Google Scholar

154 Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae (n. 107 above), ed. Wade-Evans, , 144.Google Scholar

155 Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae , ed. Plummer, , 2:148.Google Scholar

156 Ibid., 1:161.Google Scholar

157 Ibid., 2:264.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

158 Ibid., 2:6364.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

159 See Freedberg, David, The Power of Images (Chicago, 1989), esp. ch. 2; and Faraone, Christopher A., Talismans and Trojan Horses: Guardian Statues in Ancient Greek Myth and Ritual (Oxford, 1992), esp. ch. 6.Google Scholar

160 Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 21 (Latin), 43 (English). See n. 68 above for this as an added passage, perhaps not in Rhigyfarch originally.Google Scholar

161 Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae , ed. Plummer, , 1:57: “Videns quoque Deus omnipotens anxietatem mentis sancti Albei fuisse in feruore caritatis, fecit illud vas volare per multa spacia terrarum, vsque ad locum suum.” Google Scholar

162 Ibid., 2:4143.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

163 The other two are MS Cotton Julius F.vii and MS Sloan 4. Harvey's, John H. conclusion, William Worcestre: Itineraries , edited from the unique MS Corpus Christi College Cambridge, 210 (Oxford, 1969), ix, was that Worcester was dead by 1485 “at the latest.” For a discussion of earlier proposed dates for Worcester's death, see Harvey, , William Worcestre, Itineraries, ix n. 3. For a list of Worcester's works, see Sharpe, Richard, A Handlist of the Latin Writers of Great Britain and Ireland before 1540 (Turnhout, 1997; reissued with additions and corrections, 2001), 822–23.Google Scholar

164 McFarlane, , “William Worcester” (n. 10 above), 204.Google Scholar

165 Warner, and Gilson, , Catalogue (n. 10 above), 2:102.Google Scholar

166 “Incipit compilatio et extractus actuum armorum gentis Romanorum inter Iullium Cesarem et Pompeium et aliorum secundum Lucanum et Suetonium historiographos, scriptus per W. Wyrcestre mensibus Novembris et Decembris anno Christi 1453, extractus libri Iohannis Fastolf militis habitantis Parisius,” fol. 143r. See Warner, and Gilson, , Catalogue , 2:102, and McFarlane, , “William Worcester,” 212.Google Scholar

167 Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century , ed. Davis, Norman, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1976), 175. We should not exclude the possibility that Worcester found some materials concerned with Saint David and Saint Nonita among the “good boke[s] of Frensh.” The Middle-Breton mystery play Buhez Santez Non (The Life of Saint Non), a late-fifteenth-century dramatization of certain events in the life of Saint Non, was discovered at the beginning of the nineteenth century at Dirinon, a church in Brittany dedicated to Saint Non. On this play, see Enault, E., “Vie de sainte Nonne,” Revue celtique 8 (1887): 230–301 and 406–91 for the Breton text and French translation; also, Henken, , Traditions of the Welsh Saints (n. 147 above), 156–57; Piriou, Yann-Ber, “Notes de lecture: La Vie de Sainte Nonne” Études celtiques 13 (1986): 215–31; and Doble, Gilbert H., Saint Nonna, Patron of Altarnon and Pelynt, Cornish Saints 16 (Liskeard, 1928), 4–7. For an Old French poem possibly drawing on the life of Saint David and Saint Nonita, see Keuffer, Max, “Bruchstück eines altfranzösischen Gedichtes (Manuscript der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier),” in Fest schrift zur Begrüssung der XXXIV Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmaener (Trier, 1879), 147–83.Google Scholar

168 See Paston Letters , ed. Davis, , 2:201 for the long treatise sent to Worcester in 1460 by John Brussard, another of Fastolf's servants, concerning “the journes that my mayster dede whyl he was in Fraunce.” McFarlane, Also, “William Worcester,” 207–10. The title of the work was given by John Bale, who lists his source as “Ex monasterio Nordouicensi” Index Britanniae Scriptorum , ed. Pool, Reginald Lane and Bateson, Mary [Oxford, 1902; repr. New York, n.d.], 117). No copies of the Acta domini Johannis Fastolf survive.Google Scholar

169 McFarlane, , “William Worcester,” 212.Google Scholar

170 Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David , ed. James, , xxiii.Google Scholar

171 The current binding of the manuscript dates to 1757 (Warner, and Gilson, , Catalogue , 2:102).Google Scholar

172 See Curley, , “Five Lecciones for the Feast of St Nonita” (n. 8 above), 6566.Google Scholar

173 McFarlane, , “William Worcester,” 204. See Scrope, George P., History of the Manor and Barony of Castle Combe, in the Country of Wilts (London, 1852), 170–71, for Worcester's notes on Sir John's ancestry.Google Scholar

174 Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to 1500 , 3 vols. (Oxford, 1955–59), 3:2174–75; Williams, , Welsh Church, 123, 129; and The Welsh Life of St. David , ed. Simon Evans, D. (Cardiff, 1988), lv.Google Scholar

175 Bishop Thomas Fastolf was buried at Saint David's. His will, proved on 1 July 1361, left all his possessions, among which no books are mentioned, to be disposed of by Ley, David, precentor of Saint David's, Robert de Grymeston of the church of Dysserth, and Phillip Dyer, rector of Llanychllwyddog in Pembroke (Yardley, , Menevia Sacra [n. 4 above], 370).Google Scholar

176 From the Liber communis of Saint David's, cited in Jones, and Freeman, , The History and Antiquities of St. David's (n. 5 above), 380.Google Scholar

177 Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae , ed. Wilkins, (n. 99 above), 3:235; for the transmission of this proclamation to Saint David's, see The Episcopal Registers of the Diocese of Saint David's 1397 to 1518 , ed. Isaacson, R. F. and Arthur Roberts, R., 2 vols., Cymmrodorion Record Series 6 (London, 1917–20), 1:32–33.Google Scholar

178 Wilkins, , Concilia , 3:376. For further evidence from the Hereford and Arbuthnot missals, see Harris, , Saint David in the Liturgy (n. 1 above), 22, 30–31.Google Scholar

179 Jacob, E. F., Archbishop Henry Chichele (London, 1967), 9.Google Scholar

180 Purvis, , Saint John of Bridlington (n. 22 above), 33.Google Scholar

181 Ibid., 18, 41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

1 The account of miracle 1 appears to refer to the Fifth Crusade, mentioned in the Brut y Tywysogion under the year 1221 (see above, p. 164). In August of 1221 the crusaders were defeated in the marshes outside Damietta, and many were captured. An exchange of prisoners was part of the final agreement, by which the Christian forces had to surrender Damietta to the sultan of Egypt Al-Kamil in order to free their captive comrades. English troops were led by the Earls of Chester, Arundel, Derby, and Winchester ( Matthaei Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani, Historia Anglorum , ed. Madden, Frederic, 3 vols. [London, 1866–69], 2:250–51; Matthew of Westminster, Flores Historiarum , ed. Luard, Henry R., 3 vols. [London, 1890], 2:167). The Masters of the Orders, including the Teutonic Knights, were surrendered as hostages until the final prisoner exchanges were completed (Runciman, Stephen, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. [Cambridge, 1951–54], 3:132–70; The Later Crusades, 1189–1311 , ed. Wolff, Robert Lee and Hazard, Harry W., vol. 2 of A History of the Crusades , ed. Setton, Kenneth M. [Madison, 1969], 377–428, esp. 428).Google Scholar

2 Gervase, (Iorwerth) was consecrated bishop of Saint David's on 21 June 1215 and died in the year 1229.Google Scholar

3 No decree of Pope Callistus II (1119–24) survives stipulating that two pilgrimages to Saint David's were the equivalent of one to Rome. The idea can be traced back to William of Malmesbury, whose De Gestis Regum Anglorum is probably the chronicle mentioned in the account of miracle 1 (“Nec quicquam in ejus pectore pecuniarum vel habendarum ambitus, vel habitarum amor, operari bono abhorrens potuit; adeo ut Anglos peregrinos magis ad sanctam David quam Romam pergere admoneret, pro viae longitudine, ad ilium locum bis euntibus idem benedictionis refundendum commodum, quod haberet qui semel Romam irent.” [De Gestis Regum Anglorum , ed. Stubbs, , (see n. 15 to text above) 2:507–8]). William may have been drawing on evidence now lost. The same passage was cited in the lessons for Saint David's day in Bishop Grandisson's legendary for Exeter (ca. 1350) ( Ordinate Exon. , ed. Dalton, J. N. and Doble, G. H., 4 vols. [London, 1909–40], 4:215). Archbishop Peckham on his visit to Saint David's in 1284 heard the belief put to rhyme (cited in Harris, Silas M., “Was St. David Ever Canonized?” Wales [June 1944]: 31), and the tradition is often found in Welsh literature (Henken, , The Traditions of the Welsh Saints [n. 147 above], 66; Hartwell Jones, G., Celtic Britain and the Pilgrim Movement [London, 1912], 370–71). Barlow, Bishop, while denouncing “popish pilgrimages” to Saint David's, scornfully dismissed the claim as he knew it: “Roma semel quantum dat bis Menevia tantum” (see Three Chapters of Letters , ed. Wright, [n. 29 above], 208). On Callistus's scorn for money, see the flattering story told about him in this regard by William of Malmesbury (passage cited above); for his decrees against simony, lay investiture, and payment for sacred rites at the Council of Reims (1119) on which this reputation may rest, see Roger of Howden, Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene , ed. Stubbs, (n. 70 above), 1:173–76; Stroll, Mary, Calixtus II (1119–1124): A Pope Born to Rule (Leiden, 2004), 299–300. The widespread belief that Callistus formally canonized Saint David (on this, see Bowen, E. G., Dewi Sant, Saint David [Cardiff, 1983], 91) can be traced no further back than Godwin's De praesulibus (see n. 72 above), 601: “In Ecclesia sua sepultus est, & post annos quingentos Sanctorum Catalogo ascriptus per Calixtum secundum Papam.” It is significant that authors intimately acquainted with the traditions of Saint David's, such as Gerald of Wales and the narrator of the Miracles of Saint David, make no such claim. On the question of Saint David's formal canonization, see Harris, , “Was St. David Ever Canonized?” 30–32; Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland , ed. Haddan, Arthur West and Stubbs, William, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1869–78), 1:316 n. a; Toynbee, Margaret R., S. Louis of Toulouse and the Process of Canonization in the Fourteenth Century (Manchester, 1929), Appendix C, 239–40; and the review of Toynbee's book by Grosjean, Paul in Analecta Bollandiana 49 (1931): 210–16. That Pope Callistus II implicitly accepted David's legitimacy as a saint, however, can be proved from his letter of 25 May 1123 referring to “Sancti Andreae apostoli et Sancti David Ecclesiam” (Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents , ed. Haddan, and Stubbs, , 1:315).Google Scholar

4 See above, pp. 164–67.Google Scholar

5 Pentecost Sunday fell on 11 May in 1231.Google Scholar

6 See above, pp. 167–73.Google Scholar

7 The Feast of the Epiphany occurs on 6 January.Google Scholar

8 Which Richard held the office of precentor in 1247? Richard Pue is named by Yardley, (Menevia Sacra [n. 4 above], 127) as precentor of Saint David's on 10 October 1254, and 12 November 1259. Davies, ( Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents , 1:386), citing the statutes of Thomas le Waleys, names Richard (no last name given) as precentor in 1253. Jones, and Freeman, (The History and Antiquities of Saint David's (n. 5 above), 358) list the first precentor as Richard W in 1224 (under Rishop Gervase/Iorwerth) and Richard Pue in 1254; they also say that the first Richard was succeeded in the office by Philip.Google Scholar

9 The Feast of Saint Renedict the Abbot occurs on 21 March.Google Scholar

10 The church had been dedicated both to Saint David and to Saint Andrew since the early twelfth century. The earliest document bearing the dedication to Saint Andrew is a letter of 1115 from the canons of Saint David's to Ralph, Archbishop of Canterbury, requesting that Bernard be consecrated as bishop of Andrew, Saint and David, Saint ( Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents , ed. Davies, [n. 68 above], 1:238; also 1:133 n. 867, and 2:577). See also Gerald of Wales's Itinerary, bk. 2, ch. 1. It is not surprising that the church should possess a relic of one of its two patron saints, yet this mention of the reliquary containing a tooth of Saint Andrew the Apostle is the only reference I know to such a relic being in the possession of Saint David's cathedral.Google Scholar

11 On the role of the sacristan in guarding the plate of the church, see Oman, Charles, “Security in English Churches, A.D. 1000–1548,” Archaeological Journal 136 (1979): 95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 The Feast of Saint Lawrence the Martyr occurs on 10 August, which was a Friday in the year 1285, but a Thursday in 1284. Either of these dates may have been intended. The feast of Saint Lawrence the Bishop (3 February) also fell on a Thursday in 1284, but on a Saturday in 1285. This latter feast day is not listed in the Ordinate Exon. .Google Scholar

13 The port of Saint Justinan refers to Porth-stinan, an inlet to the south of Whitesand Bay (Porth Mawr), across from Ramsey Island. Porth-stinan takes its name from Saint Justinan, a cousin (“fratruelis,” but perhaps mistakenly intended to signify “uncle”) of Saint David according to Rhigyfarch, an uncle (“avunculus”) according to Gerald of Wales. According to his vita, Justinan was beheaded by his rebellious disciples on Ramsey Island, but his corpse is said to have walked across the channel to the mainland carrying his head, and came to shore at the inlet which thereafter bore his name, and where a chapel was dedicated to him ( Nova Legenda Anglie , ed. Horstman, [n. 87 above], 2:9495). A headland separates Porth-stinan from Whitesand Bay to the north, the usual embarcation point from Saint David's for Ireland. Pilgrims sailing to Ramsey Island often departed from Porth-stinan, close to the chapel dedicated to Saint Justinan (Jones and Freeman, History and Antiquities, 13). On 17 April 1172, Henry II passed through Saint David's on his return from Ireland. According to Gerald of Wales, the king landed in portu Menevensi, usually thought to mean Whitesand Bay (Expugnatio Hibernica: The Conquest of Ireland , ed. with a translation and historical notes by Scott, A. B. and Martin, F. X. [Dublin, 1978], 104 and 319 n. 196). According to The Song of Dermot, however, Henry disembarked at “Port Finan” (=Porth Stinan): “Li reis demorat a la mer / A Weyseford pur passer; / Lireis gentil est donc passé, / A Port Finan [est] arrive” (The Song of Dermot and Earl Richard Fitzgilbert = Le Chansun de Dermot e li Quens Ricard Fitz Gilbert , ed. Conlon, Denis J. [Frankfurt, 1992], lines 2755–58). Thorpe (Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales and The Description of Wales [n. 62 above], 167 n. 292) also claims that Henry II landed at “Porth Stinian.” Jones, and Freeman, (The History and Antiguities of Saint David's, 5 n. f) state that “pieces of timber, hewn and squared, have been discovered at Porth-stinan.” On the spelling of the name (Justinanus, Justinianus, Guistilianus, Guisdianus, Gistlianus, Goeslan, Gweslan, Gwestlan, etc.), see Wade-Evans, , Life of St. David (n. 10 above), 85; Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David , ed. James, (n. 10 above), 8 n. 15.Google Scholar

14 The Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross was celebrated on 14 September.Google Scholar

15 The town of Munsley is located about 15 miles east of Hereford, and just northwest of Ledbury.Google Scholar

16 The plague of the early 1360s was known as the pestis secunda and the pestis puerorum. .Google Scholar

17 Kidwelly is located about 12 miles south of Carmarthen on the Gwendraeth Fach River near the eastern shore of Carmarthen Bay. The castle and town were in the medie val commote of Cydweli.Google Scholar

18 The cloth knotted above the lad's head refers to the portion of the death shroud that was gathered and knotted at the head of the corpse. For good fifteenth-century depictions of these knots, see Death in Towns: Urban Responses to the Dying and Dead, 100–1600 , ed. Bassett, Steven (London, 1992), 197, 199, 200, 202, 204, 205, and 206; and Platt, Colin, King Death: The Black Death and Its Aftermath in Late-medieval England (Toronto, 1996), 153 plate 63, 158 plate 67, 159 plate 68, 191 plate 90.Google Scholar

19 Watchet, located on the Bristol Channel near the mouth of the Washford River in Somerset, was a thriving mill town in the fourteenth century and contained at least four fulling mills by 1321, making it a center of the region's cloth industry. John Goldsmith may have drowned in one of the ponds associated with these mills. Watchet had close associations with Wales, both its church and parish being dedicated to the Welsh Saint Decuman, hence it is not surprising that John Goldsmith's mother Catherine would appeal to a Welsh saint to save her son's life (see A History of the County of Somerset , ed. Dunning, R. W., vol. 5 of The Victoria History of the Counties of England: Somerset, 8 vols. [Oxford, 1985], 143171, esp. 160–63, 165–67.Google Scholar

20 The Feast of Saint Nicholas the Bishop was celebrated on 6 December.Google Scholar

21 The Feast of Saint David is celebrated on 1 March.Google Scholar

22 On the common practice of bending a coin to receive the miraculous powers of a saint, see Finucane, Ronald C., Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Beliefs in Medieval England (London, 1977), 9495. Note that only the verse account of miracle 7 mentions Catherine Goldsmith's bending a silver coin while invoking the aid of Saint David.Google Scholar

23 In Rhigyfarch's, Life of Saint David, Justinan is called a bishop and a cousin to Saint David: “Habitabat autem ibi Guisdianus episcopus, fratruelis eius” ( Rhigyfarch's Life of Saint David , ed. James, , 8 (Latin), 34 (English). In Tynemouth's version (Nova Leganda Anglie , ed. Horstman, , 2:93–94) he is called a confessor: “placuitque tarn beato Dauid quam sancto Iustinano societate et orationibus hinc inde fulciri: et suscepit eum sanctus Dauid in confessorem et vite sue post deum custodem.” See [5] above.Google Scholar

24 See above, pp. 155–62.Google Scholar

25 See above, pp. 149–55; also Acts 5:19–27 and 12:1–11.Google Scholar

26 On Llanfyrnach ar Tâf, see Elizabethan Pembrokeshire: The Evidence of George Owen , ed. Howells, Brian (Haverfordwest, 1973), 74, 76, 78–80, 96, and 102–4. Two chapels were dedicated to Saint Brynach, one in Morvil, the other in Henry's Moat (Taxatio Ecclesiastica Angliae et Walliae auctoritate P. Nicholai IV. circa A.D. 1291 [London, 1802], 272; Bowen, E. G., The Settlements of the Celtic Saints in Wales [Cardiff, 1956], 28–29). For the location of Cemais on Cardigan Bay, see Rees, , An Historical Atlas of Wales (n. 73 above), plate 31.Google Scholar

27 Egluswen, or Eglwyswen, (“Whitechurch”) is located in Cemais on the Nyfer River, just south of Eglwyswrw. Wade-Evans, (“Parochiale Wallicanum,” Y Cymmrodor 22 [1910]: 56, 58) says that the church was dedicated to Saint Michael. Two other churches located in Eglwyswen, Llanvair Nantgwyn, and Llanvoygan, were dedicated to Saint Mary and Saint Meugan respectively. See Elizabethan Pembrokeshire, 78, 79, 99–100, and Taxatio Ecclesiastica, 272 under “Ecclesia Alba.” Google Scholar

28 Aeron, Llanerch, now Aeron, Ciliau, is located to the south of the Aeron River about four miles east of Aberaeron ( Cardiganshire County History: From the Earliest Times to the Coming of the Normans , ed. Davies, J. L. and Kirby, D. P. [Cardiff, 1994], 84). Also, Rees, William, South Wales and the Border in the Fourteenth Century: Northwest Sheet, 2 vols. (Southhampton, n.d.), vol. 1; and Rees, , Historical Atlas of Wales, plate 25b. According to the Brut y Tywysogion (ed. Jones, [n. 91 above], 229) Maelgwn ap Rhys died in Llannerch Aeron in 1231, and was buried at the Cistercian church of Strata Florida. Wade-Evans (“Parochiale Wallicanum,” 58) lists a chapel Llanannerch in Aberporth in the Deanery of Sub Aeron.Google Scholar

29 See above, pp. 145–46.Google Scholar

30 On Guy Brian, see The Complete Peerage , ed. Cokayne, G. E. (n. 145 above), 2:361–62. Guy Bryan or Briene (born ca. 1319, died on 17 August 1390) deserved the epithet dominus strenuus. He fought in Scotland, Flanders, and France, and served as Warden of the Forest of Dean from 1341 until his death. He held custody of the Great Seal in 1349, and was awarded 200 marks in 1349/50 for bearing the king's standard against the French at Calais. He and his heirs received a grant of special grace of free warren from Edward III in October of 1350 for his demesne lands of “Rammesham” in Dorset and Tallagharn and Chastelgaweyn in Wales (Calendar of the Charter Rolls, 5:123). He was summoned to Parliament from 1350 until 1389, served as ambassador to the Pope in 1361, and was Admiral of the Fleet in 1369. Guy Brian made loans to the Black Prince (The Register of Edward the Black Prince , ed. Dawes, M. C. B., 4 vols. [London, 1930–33], 4:159; also 1:62). In 1389 Guy's son William accompanied by John Fort of Llanstephan broke into the castle of Laugharne and stole his father's money chest containing £25 in gold and silver, a crime for which they were later pardoned (see Calendar of Ancient Petitions Relating to Wales: Thirteenth to Sixteenth Century , ed. Rees, William [Cardiff, 1975], 147–48; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Richard II, A.D. 1388–1392, 4:303 [September 23, 1390]; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Richard II, A.D. 1391–1396, 5:169 [September 17, 1392]).Google Scholar

31 Talacharn or Laugharne is located near the mouth of the Tâf River not far from Carmarthen Bay. The Brians were the lords of Talacharn from the twelfth century down to 1390 (Davies, Robert Rees, Conquest, Coexistence and Change: Wales 1063–1415 [Oxford, 1987], 8485, 472).Google Scholar

32 18 June 1388 was a Thursday, not a Friday.Google Scholar

33 The town of Rampisham lies a few miles to the northwest of Dorchester in the county of Dorset. On the history of the manor of Rampisham, see The Victoria History of the County of Dorset , ed. Page, William (London, 1908; repr., 1975), 2:7 and 3:38, 133. See Calendar of Charter Rolls 1341–1417, 5:123, 217 for a grant to Guy Briene and his heirs at their manor of “Ramesham” and Wroxhale Deneys in Co. Dorset; 5:304 for the royal grant to Guy on 16 August 1386 stipulating that he and his heirs shall be judged only by Englishmen of the commote, not foreigners or Welshmen, for any charges brought against them in Carmarthen or Cardigan. Later the privilege was extended to Guy's daughters Philippa and Elizabeth (ibid., 5:315).Google Scholar

34 Williams, Glanmor, The Welsh Church (n. 18 above), 496, says that William Barlow “left the saint's own statue undefaced.” He gives no source for this information. No statue of Saint David from the cathedral has survived.Google Scholar

35 The Liber communis (Jones, and Freeman, , The History and Antiquities of Saint David's , 372) mentions the ordering of two hinges and two hooks for the door of the croyste. I know of no other source that claims that Saint David died in this chapel. Croysdee derives from the Welsh croes + ty. The Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru (Cardiff, 1950–67), 608, gives a variety of meanings for the word: “Ty croes, ty a darnau croes iddo, ty'n sefyll yn groes i dai eraill; adeilad croesffurf; ystafell yn taflu allan o ystlys ty; capel a chroes ynddo” (“house having parts standing athwart or crosswise; house standing crosswise to other houses; cruciform building; chapel containing a crucifix”). I see no basis for Francis Green's conjecture (“Pembrokeshire in By-gone Days,” Transactions of the Historical Society of West Wales 9 [1920–23]: 92 n. 13) that croyste “means the door by which the pilgrims entered the cathedral.” Thanks to Nona Rees for drawing my attention to this article.Google Scholar