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The Education of a Prince: Lodovico il Moro and the Rise of Pandolfo Petrucci

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 January 2019

David L. Hicks
David L. Hicks*
Affiliation:
Columbia University
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Extract

In the years following Charles VIII's inglorious retreat from Naples, Lodovico Sforza, duke of Milan, was Italy's busiest diplomat. Though the brief visit of the French king and his knights had brought Lodovico little except prestige (more concrete advantage came from the fortuitous death of the young Milanese pretender), it certainly provided him a broader field on which he could play his diplomatic game. Dispatches by the score went out from his chancery. To all the courts and princes they went, and many, perhaps most, of them concerned the affairs of Tuscany. For Lodovico had his calculating eye turned south. With Venice, he was supporting the desperate struggle of the Pisans to free themselves from Florence. He sent off money and cavalry and capped his gifts with another of his famous invitations, this one to Maximilian of Austria.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in the Renaissance , Volume 8 , 1961 , pp. 88 - 102
Copyright
Copyright © Renaissance Society of America 1961

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References

1 The best modern account of these revolutions is contained in Gardner, E. G., The Story of Siena and San Gimignano (London and New York, 1926)Google Scholar; see also the detailed but uncritical narrative in Pecci, G. A., Memorie storico-critiche della citta di Siena che seruono alia vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci dal MCCCCLXXX al MDXII (Siena, 1755)Google Scholar. The revolutions are chronicled by C. Cantoni, Frammento di un diario senese (1479-83) in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. L. Muratori (new ed., Bologna, 1939), XV, pt. VI, and A. Allegretti, Diario (1450-97) in Muratori (old ed., Milan, 1733), XXIII.

2 The five parties dated from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and their origins could be traced to the four socio-economic groups which struggled for domination of the Sienese government in those troubled years. The Gentiluomini, as their name implies, were the grandi, the petty feudal nobility who dwelt in the city. The Nove were the popolo grasso, rich merchants and bankers, the Dodici higher guildsmen, and the Riformatori and Popolari masters of the lower guilds. Each group had a turn at rule, but none had the inherent strength to dominate the others. A political compromise in which each was given a share in a coalition brought relative civic peace after 1403. It also contributed, together with profound changes in the Sienese economy, to reshape the character of the five parties, so that by the 1490s little of their original socio-economic tradition remained. The old designations and the old rivalries clung, however, though the reasons were obscured to contemporaries. On this subject see Hicks, D. L., ‘Sienese Society in the Renaissance’, Comparative Studies in Society and History II (1960), 412–420 Google Scholar.

3 The Nove made no pretense of their dominance. Of eight ‘provisionaries’ elected for the good of the city in July 1493, the Nove counted four and the other parties one each; see Archivio di Stato di Siena (hereafter ASS), Balia, Deliberazioni, 37, 9 July 1493, p. 5bis. A decree a few days later declared: ‘Non si possi fare proposto in alcune loco o collegio di diminuire o limitare o in tutto o in parte la plenaria auctorita dela balia; ne si possi tractare, proponare, rogare o consigliare di removere o revocare alcune deliberatione facta per lo dicto collegio… .’ (ibid., 13 Aug. 1492, pp. 24bis-25). The transcriptions in this and the following footnotes are reproduced exactly, including grammatical errors and linguistic peculiarities.

4 The extent and character of the opposition are described in G. Tommasi, Seconda Deca delle storie di Siena (MS. of work written between 1599 and 1604, located in ASS), II, bk. VII, cols. 233-234. Tommasi relies heavily on Allegretti, but adds details apparently drawn from sources no longer in existence.

5 The interparty negotiations and their results are described by Allegretti, cols. 836-842, and in ASS, Concistoro, Deliberazioni, 771, 20 Mar. 1494 [1495], pp. 7-8, and Consighogenerate, Deliberazioni, 240, 9 Mar. 1494 [1495], p. 283,and 18-19 Mar. 1494 [1495]. pp. 283bis-284bis.

6 Allegretti (cols. 850-852) and S. Tizio, in his Historiae Senenses (MS. copy of a work written about 1520, located in the Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze), IV, bk. XIII, pp. 377-379, relate the events leading up to the appointment of the committee. The quotation is drawn from ASS, Consiglio generale, Deliberazioni, 241, 5 Aug. 1495, p. 15bis.

7 The ambassador was Antonio Stanga. His letter is dated 13 May 1496 and is found in the Archivio di Stato di Milano (hereafter ASM), Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263.

8 This emerges clearly from the Deliberazioni of the Balìa and the other government bodies. Now regular business could be done. Most exiles returned or their sentences were lightened. In 1497-1498, a series of laws were passed which confirmed an earlier law of 1494 and gave formal recognition to the five parties as the sole instruments through which the citizens could be represented in their government. See ASS, Balüa, Deliberazioni, 40, 29-30 Nov. 1497, pp. 9-Iobis; 14 Dec. 1497, pp. 2Ibis-22; 4 Jan. 1497 [1498], pp. 39bis-41.

9 There is no satisfactory published account of Pandolfo's life. Pecci must be read with a critical eye. Mondolfo, U. G., Pandolfo Petrucci, Signore di Siena (Siena, 1899)Google Scholar is brief and inaccurate on his early life, but good on his diplomatic activities after 1496, though lacking reference to the important dispatches of the Milanese ambassador. See also Hicks, D. L., The Rise of Pandolfo Petrucci (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of History, Columbia University, 1959)Google Scholar.

10 A good insight into Pandolfo's successful business dealings may be gained by an examination of his denunzie di beni, reports of real and personal property. These are found in ASS, Lira, Denunzie di beni, 230 (1498), bundle II and 235 (1509), bundle 9. The earliest evidence of his connection with the mercenaries is June 1494, when the Balia passed two edicts, one reimbursing him for pay he advanced to ‘one hundred provisionati’ and the other assigning him their ‘curam et gubernationem’ see ASS, Balìa, Deliberazioni, 37, 1 & 5 June 1494, pp. 157 bis, 158.

11 The letter containing this quotation is badly spotted and torn, but the words of the quotation itself are fairly clear: ‘… el regimento e manegio e in Messer Antonio Bichi, Messer Niccolo Borghesi e Pandolfo Petrucci. Questo Pandolfo fa piu che nessuno deglialtri e la principale cagione e che piu hanni sonno li fu dato il manegio di trovare [denaro] e pagare li fanti della guardia…. E per questi cagioni ancora che [quelli] dell'ordine suo de Nove lo volessino disponere non potreno … avendo massime li fanti della guardia a sua requesta ‘ (Giovanni Malavolti to Lodovico Sforza, 15 Nov. 1497, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1264).

12 Discorsi, bk. III, chap. VIII.

13 Filippo Valori to Piero de’ Medici, 17 Oct. 1494; quoted in Mondolfo, p. 17.

14 Mondolfo, pp. 28 ff. Further details are to be found in a letter from Giovanni Malavolti to Lodovico Sforza, 26 Mar. 1495, in ASM Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263. The treaty between Montepulciano and Siena is found in ASS, Capitoli, Caleffi, no. 216, 4 Apr. 1495.

15 Pier Giovanni Ricasoli to Died di Balìa, in Archivio di Stato di Firenze (hereafter ASF), Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 40, no. 306.

16 A. Bracci, in a letter to the Dieci di Balìa (25 May 1495, in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 41, no. 278), thus seems to describe Pandolfo and several other citizens. The quotation reads: ‘molto inclinati a muovere guerra alle sue vostre stimolati et invitati dallo imbassatore ducale … ‘.

17 ‘… Pandolfo se e dato in anima et corpo al S. Lodivico …’ (A. Bracci to Dieci di Balìa, 11 May 1496, in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 47, no. 136).

18 ‘Comprendo in lui desidero de volersene a largere … ‘ (Antonio Stanga to Lodovico Sforza, 29 May 1496, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263).

19 ‘… Ieri si raunarono in Palazzo circa 40 ciptidini e quali non se ne accordarono, ma per la piu parte fu vivante contradecto el colegharsi. Et per questo mi sia referito vi fu grande dissentioni. Onde quelli principali se ne mostrono molto turbati maxime Pandolpho che iersera in casa sua fu visto piangiere cordialmente usando parole de disperati …’ (Bindaccio Ricasoli to Dieci di Balìa, 2 June 1496, in ASF, Dieci di Balia, Responsive, 48, no. 17).

20 Lodovico Sforza to the Sienese Balìa, 23 Mar. 1496, and Antonio Stanga to Lodovico Sforza, 4 July 1496, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263.

21 See especially Antonio Stanga to Lodovico Sforza, 29 Apr. 1496, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263 and correspondence with the Florentine Died di Balia.

22 ‘Pandolfo … consirvisse la maior parte del presente governo et che dispone assai de le cosse de questa Republica … (Antonio Stanga to Lodovico Sforza, 7 Sept. 1496, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263).

23 ‘Pandolfo el quale si como in questa citta ha quasi el manegio de tutte cosse et quello che e stato et e principal Capo de tutti li amici servatori et devoti de Vostra Eccellenzia’ (Antonio Stanga to Lodovico Sforza, 16 Dec. 1496, in ASM. Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1263).

24 See the letter of 12 Nov. 1497 from Lodovico to C. Guaschi, in which the duke urged that matters be settled peaceably (ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1264).

25 ‘Pandolfo et li altri amici de la Vostra Eccellentia che voleno el governo in questo immodo dubitavano de essere necessitate ad venire ad termini de farla cum le arme…. Nondimeno se e maturato la cosa et cum ingenio et dextereza senza forza et minacie darme … si e reformata la Baylia cum la solita auctorita et possanza per anni cinque proximi confirmando in epso officio pandolfo et li altri officiali vechii …’ (C. Guaschi to Lodovico Sforza, 22 Nov. 1497, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1264). Guaschi was the new Milanese ambassador.

26 The letter continues: ‘… la intentione di Fiorentini per compire al numero vasto de li 45 deputati ad epso officio'.

27 Guaschi told Lodovico in the above-cited letter: ‘Se e facto ogni diligentia per farla reuscire senza violentia al che sempre ho exhortato Pandolfo et li altri amici’.

28 Guaschi was promoted in Apr. 1499.

29 ‘… la quel cosa e insolita et molto displace generalmente a cittadini; si che per loro non si fa el stare longamente ad questo modo et lassarsi consumare da questa Febre lenta non essendo ne in guerra ne in pace’ (C. Guaschi to Lodovico Sforza, 21 Mar. 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

30 ‘ … tutti quelli di balia et tuta la citta e [sic] firmata in questo pensiero’ (Julius Cattaneus to Lodovico Sforza, 5 May 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265). Giulio Cataneo came to Siena from Milan for a few days to announce Lodovico's new Florentine policy and urge Siena's participation.

31 In the fall of 1496, six citizens, among whom was Pandolfo, were elected by the Balìa with authority to conclude a treaty with Florence, not to include restoration of Montepulciano; see ASS, Balìa, Deliberazioni, 39, 26 Sept. 1496, p. 16. Pandolfo had several inconclusive conversations with a Florentine representative on the same subjects in early 1497; see Antonio Guidotti da Colle to Died di Balìa, 11 Jan. 1496 [1497], in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 45, nos. 94, 95. For details, see Mondolfo, pp. 35 ff.

32 ‘… cede ad suo proposito tenere questo popolo in qualche necessita, da la quale procede lo emolumento et grandeza sua. Et anche forse perche comprende che ad venire ad tal segno saria necessario che questa citta correspondesse a signori Fiorentini …’ (C. Guaschi to Lodovico Sforza, 23 Oct. 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

33 ‘… sua Mtia tende al principato di questo stato …, qual disegno conosce non gli puo riuscire sanza il favore et intelligencia di vostri signori’ (Antonio Guidotti da Colle to Died di Balìa, 15 Sept. 1498, in ASF, Died di Balìa, Responsive, 58, no. 201). Guidotti, who had reported on Sienese affairs to the Florentine government for several years, arrived as resident ambassador in August 1498.

34 During his negotiations with Florence in early 1497, Pandolfo told the Florentine representative ‘… che non vogliava di non havere con Milano tenuti strecti pratiche contro [Florence], ma hormai di quello signore ne era satio’, words which doubtless signified more than diplomatic double-dealing; see Antonio Guidotti da Colle to Died di Balìa, 11 Jan. 1496 [1497], in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 45, no. 95.

35 Guaschi told Lodovico that Pandolfo needed cash to pay the condottiere Antonio Maria da San Severino and the ‘ordinario de la Guardia’ (Pandolfo's mercenaries). At the same time: ‘De novo mi ha confirmato cum moke parole efficace como delibera vivere et morire sotto al segno et devotione de la eccellentia vostra’ (letter of 31 May 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

36 ‘… per non dare materia per novi tempramenti’ (C. Guaschi to Lodovico Sforza, 4 Apr. 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

37 ‘… e subito … anda a casa di M. Nicolo Borghesi el quale e nemico di Vostra Excellentia’ (Antonio Maria [da San Severino] to Lodovico Sforza, 14 May 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

38 Guaschi reported Pandolfo's thoughts to Lodovico: ‘Ma non potendosi altro che per la observantia de la Fede data non sono per mutare opinione, et quando pur la eccellentia vostra voglia et habia a coro che questa Tregua si concluda como si e scripta pigliarano le Arme in mano et [farano] per forza quello che ameravolmente et per via de Lupini non si puo tirare; dicendo che questa e la loro ultima conclusione et de li amici et che pregano la eccellentia vostra ad persuadere a Fiorentini che non vogliano essere obstinati in questa minima cosa per el loro beneficio et per conservatione de questa citta …’ (letter of 10 Aug. 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

During these weeks, Lodovico wrote several letters to his ambassador containing words of comfort and encouragement for Pandolfo and ‘li amici’ and assuring them that he was doing his utmost to soften the hearts of the Florentines. His letters also show that he was visited in June by Pandolfo's private secretary, Antonio da Venafro, and that the two men talked of a number of diplomatic problems, including the problem of the alliance. See ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265, passim.

39 The instructions read : ‘ … demostrando ad Pandolfo havere commissione de noi di exponere alia balia nel modo et forma che paresi ad lui’ (Died di Balìa to Antonio Guidotti da Colle, 12 Aug. 1498, in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Legazioni e Commissarie, Istruzioni e lettere missive, 21, pp. 161-161bis).

40 Antonio Guidotti da Colle to Died di Balìa, 13 & 24 Aug. and 2 & 5 Sept. 1498, in ASF, Died di Balìa, Responsive, 58, nos. 159, 174, 180, 185. The ‘provisions’ from Florence, which also included a quantity of grain, remained only promises at the time the treaty was signed, and some of the troops were hired on expectation of further funds from Milan.

41 Ibid.

42 ‘Pandolfo … ha facto intendere havere reducti li animi de Cittadini a buoni termini’ (Antonio Guidotti da Colle to Died di Balìa, 8 Sept. 1498, in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 58, no. 188).

43 ‘Le cose de la tregua sono ad boni termini et M. Nicolo Borgese et M. Leonardo Belanti quali erano Capi de questa factione Venetiana sono molto mittigati si come demonstrarono hieris'era essendo venuti insieme cum Pandolpho al mandatario Fiorentino et a me … et credo … che la conclusione si fara vivamente et senza scandolo …, maxime havendo Pandolpho qui circha 500 Fanti computati qualli de la guardia et circha homini darme 150 … puo disponere, si che o per Amore o per Forza bisogna che questo benedecto accordo segua’ (C. Guaschi to Lodovico Sforza, 12 Sept. 1498, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265).

44 Details are contained in letters from Antonio Guidotti da Colle to Dieci di Balìa, 12 Sept. 1498 (in ASF, Dieci di Balìa, Responsive, 58.no. 193) and C. Guaschi to Lodovico Sforza, 12 Sept. 1498 (in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1265). The decision of the council is found in ASS, Consiglio generale, Deliberazioni, 241, 12 Sept. 1498, pp. 43-43bis.

45 The treaty is in ASS, Capitoli, No. 219.

46 This is one of the clauses of the treaty.

47 See, for example, Agostino Maria de Beccaria to Lodovico Sforza, 1 July 1499, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1266. De Beccaria replaced Guaschi in April 1499.

48 See ASS, Capitoli, No. 221.

49 ‘Non poria exprimere a la vostra eccellentia in quanto cardoglio et anxieta sia quasi tutta questa citta cosi grandi come picoli li quali piangono li affarii et travaglii in li quali la excellentia vostra si trova’ (Antonio Maria de Beccaria to Lodovico Sforza, 31 Aug. 1499, in ASM, Carteggio Sforzesco, Estero, Siena, 1266).