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Contextualizing Concepts: The Methodology of Comparative Political Theory

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  31 January 2018

Abstract

Over the last twenty years, comparative political theory has emerged as a distinctive contribution to contemporary theoretical and methodological debate in making the case for greater engagement between “Western” and “non-Western” traditions. While comparative political theory includes multiple methodological approaches and numerous objectives, this article argues for an interpretive method that combines conceptual and contextual analysis to demonstrate both the malleability of concepts and the varying implications that these concepts can have for political action in particular settings. The contextualized comparison need not necessarily be between Western and non-Western cases. This article argues for a “contextualizing concepts” approach and exemplifies this through an analysis of three cases where the concept of reconciliation has been articulated as a means of transforming divided societies since the 1990s: South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Australia.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 2018 

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References

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22 I am grateful to Hamza Bin Jehangir for initially raising this point about relationality with me. El Amine (“Beyond East and West,” 109) raises a similar argument concerning the fact that the colonial experience was pivotal to the development of many non-Western ideas. This highlights that political ideas and concepts are always cultivated in relation to one another rather than emerging pristine and fully formed. For similar points on the development of the thought of those who influenced the work of Javed Ahmed Ghamidi, see Iqtidar, “Redefining ‘Tradition’ in Political Thought,” 433.

23 This does not mean that Freeden and Vincent, Comparative Political Thought, 2, are working with a universalist understanding of human political conduct whereby there has to be “an evident nature of politics that is consistent everywhere” (von Vacano, “Scope of Comparative Political Theory,” 472). On the contrary, it simply points to the fact that political theorists need to be able to address the theoretical dimension of a discourse or practice in political terms. This merely suggests that analysis of political concepts and ideas is the staple territory of political theorists rather than, say, the study of cultural practices or different legal systems.

24 March, “What Is Comparative Political Theory?,” 547.

25 Ibid., 537.

26 Like almost all commentators with an interest in comparative political theory, I would argue that there is great value in conducting comparisons between non-Western and Western societies. Methodologically however, comparative political theory need not require that the comparisons are between Western and non-Western societies. Indeed, what actually constitutes a Western and non-Western society should rightly be a matter of dispute.

27 Freeden, “Comparative Study of Political Thinking.”

28 In their work linking comparative political theory and conceptualizations of democracy, this point is made inadvertently by Williams and Warren when they contend that “comparative political theory… is nothing other than the representation and reconstruction of systems of ideas that have arisen in cultures or civilizations different from our own” (Williams and Warren, “Democratic Case,” 36). By this definition, comparative analysis need not be between Western and non-Western societies at all and could equally be more focused on the internal comparison of the use of concepts between groups that may now share the same geographical space containing multiple cultural differences.

29 For example, comparative political theory has tended to focus on different regions, cultures, or traditions (see, e.g., von Vacano, “Scope of Comparative Political Theory,” 474–76), but has had relatively little to say about other relevant comparisons. One of the most interesting examples that could be employed in comparative political theory is the different understanding of concepts in settler colonial societies such as Canada and Australia between Indigenous and non-Indigenous groups that have coexisted in the same space over decades or centuries. This implies that completely self-contained conceptions of political ideas in specific cultures or traditions are unusual and that particular meanings are usually formed in interaction with alternative views.

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40 This article is an output from an Australian Research Council Grant (DP130101399) conducted by the author with Erik Doxtader, Mark McMillan, Paul Muldoon, Juliet Rodgers, and Andrew Schaap.

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65 Larissa Behrendt, “The Abolition of ATSIC: Implications for Democracy,” in Democratic Audit of Australia (Canberra, 2005), available at http://library.bsl.org.au/jspui/bitstream/1/679/1/200511_behrendt_atsic.pdf, accessed Nov. 27, 2016.

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75 Both institutional political reforms and truth and reconciliation institutions are part of the debate in Australia. Since the abolition of the main representative body for Indigenous peoples in Australia, ATSIC, in 2005, the main organized body has been the National Congress of Australia's First Peoples. However, it has been denied promised government funding since 2013. Proposals for a truth commission have been less prominent, but see the speech by Aboriginal broadcaster Stan Grant at the University of New South Wales in 2016: https://newsroom.unsw.edu.au/news/social-affairs/time-truth-and-reconciliation-commission-%E2%80%93-stan-grant, accessed Sept. 3, 2017.

76 Freeden and Vincent, Comparative Political Thought, 15.