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² On enmity and friendliness among nations, see Wolfers, Arnold, Discord and Collaboration: Essays on International Politics. Baltimore and London, 1962)Google Scholar. On the society of states, see Bull, Hedley, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics London and Basingstoke, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Keohane, Robert O., Nye, Joseph S., Power and Interdependence (Boston, 1977)Google Scholar; Waltz, Kenneth N., Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass., 1979)Google Scholar.

³ On the Structuralist, or world systems approach, see Immanuel, Wallerstein, The Modern World-System (London, 1974)Google Scholar. On Neo-structuralism see Palan, Ronen, ‘The Second Structuralist Theories of International Relations: A Research Note’, International Studies Notes, 17, (1992)Google Scholar, and Palan, Ronen and Gills, Barry (eds.), Transcending the State of Global Divide: The Neostructuralist Agenda in International Relations (Boulder, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁴ See, for instance; Carr, E. H.. The Twenty Years Crisis 1919–1939: Introduction to the Study of International Relations, 2nd edn (London and Basingstoke, 1946)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 4th edn (N.Y., 1967)Google Scholar; Smith, Joseph Michael, Realist Thought from Weber to Kissinger (Baton Rouge and London, 1986)Google Scholar; Waltz, Kenneth N., Man, the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis (NY, 1954)Google Scholar.

⁵ For an excellent discussion, see Metz, K. H. ‘The Politics of Conflict: Heinrich von Treitschke and the Idea of Realpolitik’, History of Political Thought, 3 (1982)Google Scholar.

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⁷ See Nisbet, Robert, The Social Philosophers: Community and Conflict in Western Thought (London, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁸ Quoted in Martin, Kingsley, French Liberal Thought in the Eighteenth Century: A Study of Political Ideas from Bayle to Condorcet (London, 1929), p. 26Google Scholar.

⁹ Ibid. p. 18.

¹⁰ ‘In general the social contract, hostile to the conception of the state as organism, regarded the state not as evolutionary growth but as a deliberate creation of human will’, Gettell, Raymond G., History of Political Thought (London, 1924), p. 400Google Scholar.

¹¹ Bull, The Anarchical Society; Carr, Twenty Years’ Crisis; Morgenthau Politics Among Nations;Waltz, Man, the State and War.

¹² The word ‘Modern’ has, by even the most conservative standards, obviously become problematic in itself; however, for our own purposes, we shall use it loosely to suggest a cluster of images ranging from the Enlightenment to the Napoleonic-an expanse leading from the radicalization of the idea of the Nation-State to the transcendental aspects of Reason.

¹³ See Meinecke, Friedrich, Cosmopolitanism and the Nation State, trans. Kimber, Robert (Princeton, 1970)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ See Aris, Reinhold, History of Political Thought in Germany From 1789 to 1815 (London, 1965)Google Scholar. For similar interpretation, see Gooch, G. P.Germany and the French Revolution (London, 1965)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See Kant, Immanuel, Perpetual Peace and Other Essays on Politics, History, and Morals, trans, and intro. Humphrey, Ted (Indianapolis, 1983)Google Scholar. Again amongst numerous others, one might well cite J. G. Herder's works. On the more extremist side, Heinrich von Kleist's Hermannsschlact as well as his remarks on the repercussions of Kantian epistemology are of some interest here, to say nothing of several comments made by Heinrich Heine on the underlying nature of Kant's philosophical project.

¹⁶ J. C. Herder on Social and Political Culture, ed. Barnard, F. M. (Cambridge, 1969)Google Scholar.

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¹⁸ History here grasped both as an objective work in itself and also as the necessary and concrete preconditions for human activity as a whole.

¹⁹ The expression ‘nation’ conjured up at the time ideas of law, order and progress as opposed to the arbitrariness and tyranny typical of dynastic governments (see Max Rouche, Introduction to Fichte, J. G., Discours a la Nation Allemande (Paris, 1981)Google Scholar). This tacit link between the ideas of nation order and rationality may explain why Hegel chose to discuss law in the chapter on civil society and not in the chapter on the State as modern thinkers are inclined to do, Hegel, Georg, Philosophy of Right, trans, and notes by Knox, T. M., (Oxford, 1952)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The concept of nation was also linked i n the minds of many of these thinkers to the myth of medieval Germanic freedoms. Furthermore, it took on deliberately anti-French connotations. Non e the less, it is never clear in the works of both Herder and Hegel why precisely the nation is the natural vehicle of human progress. There is a certain arbitrariness in the choice. Fichte strove to rectify this by placing emphasis on language in the constitution of the nation and in distinguishing between living and dead languages (French, of course, is dead). These ideas resurfaced again in the work Heidegger (see Heidegger, Martin, An Introduction to Metaphysics (New Haven, 1959)Google Scholar).

²⁰ Landherr, Bartholomew, ‘The Universalistic Theory of Society of Othmar Spann and His School’, in Barnes, Harry Elmar (ed.), An Introduction to the History of Sociology (Chicago, 1948), p. 389Google Scholar.

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²³ Fichte, Discourse a la Nation.

²⁴ Hegel recognized that the nation itself was not an operative entity: ‘world history’, he asserts, ‘takes account only of nations that constituted themselves into states.’ Hegel, Philosophy and World History, p. 95. For Hegel, the development of a state out of the ethical community of the nation is part of the process of gainin g self-consciousness insofar as the nation objectifies itself in a rational system of laws and institutions. The state is not merely a protective shield for the nation, but it is rather the system of social relations which allows the nation to realize itself in history. The nation may therefore be the underlying social organization of human life. But this remains an unfulfilled potential unless it is organized in a state.

²⁵ Hegel, Philosophy of Right, p. 76.

²⁶ Fichte, Discourse a la Nation p. 83.

²⁷ Hegel, Philosophy of Right, p. 209.

²⁸ Hegel was thinking about the experience of Napoleon, the experience of seeing a mass society mobilized in a rational manner before which the archaic regimes of Europe simply crumbled. Hegel saw the potential positive effects of the French conquest in dissolving the old Germanic system, and furthermore, and this was sweet music to German ears, he foresaw that the rationalization of the German state based upon liberal principles would represent a more formidable political format for the development of the German people.

²⁹ Halliday, Fred, ‘Theorizing the International’, Economy & Society, 18 (1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁰ Herder, Social and Political Culture, p. 207

³¹ Fichte, Discourse a la Nation, p. 67.

³² Burkhardt, Jacob, Reflection on History (Indianapolis, 1979), pp. 67–68Google Scholar.

³³ See Gilpin, Robert, War & Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Krasner, Stephen D. (ed.), Defending the National Interest-Raw Materials Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton, 1978)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Sabin, George H., and Shepard, Walter J., ‘Translators’ Introduction’ to Krabbe, H., The Modern Idea of the State, (NY and London, 1922), p. xxxiGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Quoted in Sabin and Shepard, Translators’ Introduction’, p. xxxii.

³⁶ Bluntschili, J. K., The Theory of the State (Oxford: 1885), p. 18Google Scholar

³⁷ Bluntschili, Theory of the Stale, p.22

³⁸ Treitschke, Heinrich von, Politics (London, 1916), p. 19Google Scholar.

³⁹ Meinecke, Cosmopolitan, p. 1.

⁴⁰ Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations, p. 486.

⁴¹ Bull, Anarchical Society, p. 16.

⁴² Hobhouse, The World in Conflict, as quoted in Barnes (ed.) History of Sociology, p. 647.

⁴³ Landherr in Barnes (ed.), History of Sociology, p. 388.

⁴⁴ Easton, David, The Political System (Chicago and London, 1953), p. 160.Google Scholar