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John Quincy Adams and the ethics of America's national interest

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 1993

Extract

This essay examines John Quincy Adams' diplomatic and ethical thinking and explores the implications of this legacy for the exercise of American power in contemporary world affairs. Both as America's most accomplished Secretary of State i n the nineteenth century, and through his voluminous public and private papers, Adams helped to identify the normative foundations of the national interest. In particular, he defined the limits of America's obligations to defend human rights and t o intervene on behalf of revolutionary principles in the quarrels of distant nations. Attention focuses here upon Adams' contribution to historic debates concerning: (1) individual and national rights which must be defended if freedom is to be maintained; (2) the basis for American neutrality in the 1790s; and (3) the claims upon American diplomacy generated by the independence movements of South American and Greek patriots.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1993

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References

1 John Quincy Adams (1767–1848), the son of John and Abigail Adams, enjoyed a career unsurpassed by any other American of his generation. A graduate of Harvard College (1787), he served as: Minister to Netherlands (1794); Minister to Prussia (1797); Member of Massachusetts Senate (1802); United States Senator (1803); Minister to Russia (1809); Minister to Great Britain (1815); Secretary of State (1817); President of the United States (1824); Member of the House of Representatives (1831–48).

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16 1 Adams, ‘Publicola No. 2’, p. 70. 71 Adams, ‘Publicola No. 2’, p. 71.

17 Adams, ‘Publicola No. 2’, p. 71.

18 Secretary Adams affirmed the policy in a letter of instructions to the American Minister to Russia, declining the invitation of Czar Alexander I to join the Holy Alliance. ‘The political system of the United States’, he said, three years before the Monroe Doctrine, ‘is extra-European. To stand in firm and cautious independence of all entanglement in the European system has been a cardinal point of their policy under every administration of their government from the peace of 1783 to the present day.’ See Bemis, Samuel Flagg, American Foreign Policy And The Blessings Of Liberty (New Haven, 1962), p. 261Google Scholar.

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23 See an analysis of Locke's position in the Statement of Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., before the Special Subcommittee On War Powers of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee of the United States, 14 July 1988.

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33 Adams,Memoirs, p. VI, 515. When Secretary of State Adams drew up in November 1823 the customary sketch of foreign policy topics which might interest the president in connection with the preparation of the forthcoming message, he included in the paragraph on the Russian negotiations a reference to the new dogma. That paragraph was taken over almost without verbal change by Monroe and thus it appeared in his communication to Congress. See Perkins, Dexter, The Monroe Doctrine, 1823–26 (Cambridge, MA, 1927), pp. 13–14Google Scholar.

34 See Adams to Henry Middleton, 5 July 1820, Writings, VIII, pp. 46–51; Adams to Richard Rush, 6 February 1821, Ibid, pp.92–4; Adams to Caesar Augustus Rodney, 17 May 1823, Ibid. pp. 437ff; Adams to Richard C. Anderson, 27 May 1823, Ibid. pp. 457–61. See also Wheaton, Henry, Elements of International Law, 8th edn, ed. Dana, R. H. (London, 1936), p. 82nGoogle Scholar.

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36 The international government commonly called the Holy Alliance was based upon three treaties: The Treaty of Chaumont of 9 March 1814, The Quadruple Alliance signed at Paris on 20 November 1815, and the Treaty of the Holy Alliance of 26 September 1815. In contrast with the Quadruple Alliance-which presented, as it were, the constitutional law of the international government of the Holy Alliance-the Treaty of the Holy Alliance itself contained no principles of government at all. It proclaimed the adherence of all rulers to the principles of Christianity, with God as the actual sovereign of the world. Originally signed by the rulers of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, the Holy Alliance was adhered to by all the European rulers, with the exception of the Pope and the Sultan. The British monarch, for constitutional reasons, could not formally adhere; the prime minister acceded informally. See Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics Among Nations, 5th edn (New York, 1973), pp. 435Google Scholar, 435n.2.

37 Adams to Henry Middleton, Writings, VII, p. 47. See also Adams to Hugh Nelson, 28 April 1823, Ibid p. 370.

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41 Adams to Richard C. Anderson, Department of State, 27 May 1823, Writings, VII, pp. 466–7.

42 See National Archives, Records of the Department of State, Diplomatic Instructions, All Countries, VII, p. 241. See also Adams, John Quincy, ‘Third Annual Message’, in Richardson, James D. (ed.), A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789–1897 (Congress, 1900), p. 380Google Scholar.

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